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On behalf of the Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina (ACBH), a non for profit organization in Washington D.C. that advocates for a united, multiethnic and democratic Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and the Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB), an organization representing at least 350,000 Americans and Canadians of Bosniak descent and origin, the Institute for Research Genocide, Canada (IGC), Bosnian American Genocide Institute and Education Center (BAGI), Australian Council of Bosnia and Herzegovina Organizations, as well as the Institute for Research of Crimes Against Humanity and International Law, Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Bosniak Cultural Association, Bosnia and Herzegovina, we would like to express our utmost concern regarding the grave injustice that is currently taking place in Prijedor, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) at the ArcelorMitall owned mining complex Omarska – a former concentration camp located in the Prijedor municipality.

Omarska – known as one of the most notorious concentration camps during the war of aggression on BiH, was one of many camps set up in northern BiH to rid the country of non-Serbs. During the spring and summer of 1992, approximately 3,334 non-Serb inmates were held in appalling and brutal conditions, tortured and killed. The evidence of torture and killings of detainees at Omarska, collected by a UN commission of experts, led to the establishment of an international war crimes court known as the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. On December 1, 2005, at a press conference in Banja Luka, ArcelorMittal (represented by Mr. Will Smith, Ms. Petra van Helden and Mr. Mladen Jelaca) announced that a Memorial Center would be built and financed by the ArcelorMittal.

Since then, ArcelorMittal has withdrawn its commitment to finance the building of the memorial, stating in February of 2006 that it is ‘temporarily suspending’ the Omarska memorial project. In addition, ArcelorMittal has also started denying victims access to the site. For example, the Day of Concentration Camp Detainees event takes place on May 9th of each year at the site of the former Omarska concentration camp. In May of 2011, the concentration camp survivors managed to get permission from ArcelorMittal to visit the former camp and commemorate the lives that were lost; however this year, ArcelorMittal has denied access to the sites where crimes have been committed. In March of 2012, access to the former camp was denied to a group of students from Munich, Germany and in April of 2012, a group of former camp survivors and peace activists were also denied access to Omarska.

The current Mayor of Prijedor, Marko Pavic, stated that a memorial in Omarska would undermine relations between different ethnic groups in Prijedor. This type of genocide denial
is an additional burden threatening the lives of many returnees and survivors of concentration camps, ethnic-cleansing, crimes against humanity and genocide and it is deteriorating progress in regards to human rights and fundamental freedoms in the Prijedor municipality. The returnees and survivors over the years have faced a number of challenges but have reached a pivotal point this year by not being allowed to visit the Omarska site and hold a peaceful commemoration.

Annex 7 of the Dayton Peace Accords guarantees all returnees and survivors the right to a safe home without harassment, intimidation, persecution, or discrimination, particularly on account of their ethnic origin, religious belief, or political opinion. At the same time, it guarantees the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms which include the prevention and prompt suppression of any written or verbal incitement, through media or otherwise of ethnic or religious hostility by public officials. By not allowing concentration camp survivors to enter Omarska and by not building a memorial as you have promised, you are violating the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights which you claim to support. In addition, the ArcelorMittal Human Rights Policy clearly states that “We seek to respect human rights and to develop an understanding of the cultures, customs and values that prevail in our local communities by developing an inclusive and open dialogue with the people affected by our operations. The ArcelorMittal Community Engagement Standard requires us to conduct an open and inclusive dialogue with local communities, including engaging with often under-represented groups such as women and Indigenous Peoples.”

“Never Again” represents international commitment that no population will ever again be subjected to genocide. Concentration sites and sites of mass killings have become commemorative memorials, preserving the memory of the horrors that happened there and are reminders of the atrocities that can occur when human rights are abandoned.

Your current policy regarding Omarska is irresponsible, dangerous, and amounts to a policy of appeasement and genocide denial which leads to a perpetual crisis that endangers the stability of the entire Southeast Europe region. We strongly urge you to exercise corporate responsibility and deliver what you have promised to the victims of the Omarska concentration camp.

Sincerely,

Ajla Delkic, M.A.
Executive Director, Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina (ACBH)

http://www.acbih.org

Haris Alibasic, MPA
President of the CNAB Board of Directors

http://www.bosniak.org

Professor Emir Ramic
Director, Institute for Research Genocide, Canada

Professor dr. Smail Cekic
Director, Institute for Research of Crimes Against Humanity and International Law, University of Sarajevo

Professor dr. Senadin Lavic
President, Bosniak Cultural Association, Sarajevo

Sanja Seferovic-Drnovsek J.D, MEd
Director, Bosnian American Genocide Institute and Education Center

Elvis Keranovic
President of the Australian Council of Bosnia and Herzegovina Organizations

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[i] http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/1992/aug/07/warcrimes.edvulliamy

[ii] http://www.icty.org/sections/AbouttheICTY

[iii] http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/4449996.stm

[iv] http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/4731646.stm

[v] http://www.ohr.int/dpa/default.asp?content_id=375

[vi] http://www.un.org/events/humanrights/udhr60/declaration.shtml

[vii] http://www.arcelormittal.com/corp/~/media/Files/A/ArcelorMittal/corporate-responsibility/ArcelorMittal_HumanRightsPolicy.pdf

Dear Dr. Gordon,

On behalf of the Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB) and the Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina (ACBH), we thank you for your continued strong commitment and engagement with Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), particularly with your efforts to promote BiH’s full integration into the Euro-Atlantic community. We are glad that you share our concerns regarding the current and future threats to Bosnia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and we are encouraged that the State Department is pressing political leaders in BiH to end the current stalemate and agree upon the reforms necessary to move the country forward.

Unfortunately, we have seen very little progress on the ground in Bosnia with regard to the political process and the adoption of a common platform for reforms. Instead, we see the same old rhetoric from Milorad Dodik and the lack of accountability for his continued obstructionist policies and open rhetoric against the very existence of Bosnia and Herzegovina. While we understand the right and importance of free speech, we believe that the threats victims of genocide face coupled with the lack of response from the international community in regards to attacks on the integrity and sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina is irresponsible, dangerous, and amounts to a policy of appeasement which leads to a perpetual crisis that endangers the stability of the region. We are also troubled by the recent developments surrounding the future leadership of the Srebrenica municipality, where the election of Serb mayor seems imminent. These developments illustrate what is wrong in Bosnia today and that the results of genocide and ethnic cleansing are allowed to be cemented through the electoral process that does not accommodate for the realities of aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina and the genocide that occurred there. The war of aggression on Bosnia resulted in over 100,000 killed and over a million Bosniaks being displaced. We ask you to take action so that the families of genocide victims do not have to suffer through the agony of this injustice.

On a positive note, we are very pleased that the NATO Enhancement Act, S.2177, sponsored by Senator Lugar was introduced in the U.S. Senate and referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. We also understand that the Committee on Foreign Relations has scheduled an initial hearing for May 10, 2012 where you will be testifying. We do hereby ask the U.S. Department of State to take this opportunity to promote an expedited NATO membership for Bosnia and Herzegovina which would provide an increased sense of stability and security, ensuring that the horrors of the Bosnian war shall never be repeated. This type of strong language would also have very positive political and economic effects, as NATO membership would mean that the Serb ultra-nationalists’ separatist agenda would be put to rest while increased confidence in future stability would lead to more direct foreign investments and a much needed boost to Bosnia’s economy. Lastly, it would give BiH a chance to become a provider of security not just within the Southeast Europe region but also the world.

CNAB and ACBH will continue to support and advocate for all policies that promote a stable democratic, multiethnic and prosperous Bosnia and Herzegovina. We appreciate your and the Administration’s hard work in helping Bosnia and Herzegovina take its rightful place in the Euro-Atlantic community.

Sincerely,

Haris Alibasic, MPA
President of the CNAB Board of Directors
http://www.bosniak.org

Ajla Delkic, M.A.
Executive Director, Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina (ACBH)
http://www.acbih.org

Dr. Sharat G. Lin
President
San Jose Peace and Justice Center
48 South 7th Street, Suite 101
San Jose, CA 95112

Protest letter on behalf of Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB), representing the interests of Bosnian American and Bosnian Canadian citizens, the Institute for Research Genocide, Canada (IGC), the Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina (ACBH), Bosnian American Genocide Institute and Education Center (BAGI) as well as the Institute for Research of Crimes Against Humanity and International Law, Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Bosniak Cultural Association, Bosnia and Herzegovina

Dear Dr. Lin,

On behalf of survivors of the Genocide that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), we are deeply concerned with your decision to host Dr. Michael Parenti as a guest speaker for the May 31st fundraiser.[i] Dr. Parenti, a self-proclaimed “Balkan Revisionist” and author of To Kill a Nation: The Attack on Yugoslavia explicitly denies that genocide, systematic rape of women and girls and ethnic cleansing ever took place in BiH.[ii] Dr. Parenti places the blame on Bosniaks for the Genocide in Srebrenica and other massacres that took place throughout the war of aggression on BiH.

As a result of his denial, Dr. Parenti has publicly disregarded that approximately 50,000 Bosniak women were raped during the three year war of aggression on BiH.[iii] The rapes were in fact used as an official Serb policy for ethnic cleansing. To this day, his outrageous claims have not been supported by internationally accepted evidence but only by other genocide deniers. His conspiracy theories are in direct conflict with the official rulings by the International Court of Justice, the International War Crimes Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia, as well as various declarations from the United States Congress and the European Parliament.

We acknowledge the importance of freedom of speech, however, falsifying facts and denying genocide is unacceptable and deeply traumatic for the survivors and their families who continue to suffer due to the physical and emotional trauma they underwent. Hundreds of thousands of Bosniaks who survived the genocide in BiH have made the United States and Canada their second home; most of them having lost someone as a result of genocide and aggression. Dr. Parenti uses his writing to purposely hurt those who have survived genocide, and having him attend this event will send the wrong message to all genocide survivors. In addition, it will send a message that San Jose Peace and Justice Center supports Parenti’s genocide denial. We hope that you will agree that having Dr. Parenti speak would be highly inappropriate and contrary to the mission of your organization which strives to promote peace and justice.

All genocide deniers directly undermine peace and justice because the only way to peace and reconciliation is to acknowledge the truth and punish those responsible. Dr. Parenti’s work and constant expression of denial is damaging to the healing process of the survivors of the genocide in BiH and we urge you to stand up for justice and truth and reject all affiliation with Dr. Parenti and his work.

Sincerely,

Haris Alibasic, MPA
President, Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB)

Professor Emir Ramic
Director, Institute for Research Genocide, Canada

Ajla Delkic, M.A.
Executive Director, Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina (ACBH)

Dr. Smail Cekic
Director, Institute for Research of Crimes Against Humanity and International Law, University of Sarajevo

Dr. Senadin Lavic
President, Bosniak Cultural Association “Renaissance”, Sarajevo

Sanja Seferovic-Drnovsek, J.D., MEd
Director, Bosnian American Genocide Institute and Education Center

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[i] http://www.sanjosepeace.org/calendar_event.php?eid=20120322170724219

[ii] http://americansforbosnia.blogspot.ca/2007/06/to-kill-nation-by-michael-parenti-1.html

[iii] http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OqEUTL_OmRI

Twenty years on, denial of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes against the Bosniak population continues to be perpetrated and this time it comes from the former Yugoslavian Ambassador James Bissett and retired Major General Lewis MacKenzie. On April 11th, they sat down with CTV news to discuss the 20th anniversary of the Siege of Sarajevo. ^[1] To no avail, the discussion about the longest siege in modern history did not happen. Instead the conversation was focused on denying and justifying the atrocities committed by the Serbian Army by attempting to place the blame on the United States for not preventing the conflict and attempting to equalize the blame between the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the illegal Bosnian Serb Army. Unfortunately these are the typical sentiments that can be expected from Mr. Bissett and Mr. MacKenzie since both men have close ties with right wing extremists and genocide deniers such as SrdjaTrifkovic, Stephen Karganovic and Julia Gorin. ^[2] Furthermore, Bissett is the founder of the “Lord Byron Foundation for Balkans Studies” with the right-wing views. The articles published on the website not only deny the genocide committed against Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Rwanda, but also launch personal attacks against individuals who fight for justice and truth for the victims of genocide. Mr. Bissett was a good friend of Slobodan Milosevic, the former Yugoslav president who died at The Hague, where he was being tried on war crimes charges. It’s ironic, and even diabolical, for former general MacKenzie to say that anyone who committed war crimes should not be able to sleep at night. Mr.MacKenzie has been accused of raping Bosniak women during the war – women who were offered to MacKenzie as “gift” by Serbian soldiers. ^[3] Bosnian authorities have requested from the Canadian government that MacKenzie be made available for questioning regarding these accusations. This has yet to happen. Retired Canadian Army General Lewis MacKenzie is hiding behind his “diplomatic immunity.“

Survivors of the Genocide that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina, those living in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as in United States of America and Canada scattered throughout the world, have yet to come to terms with the horrors that took place in this blood-soaked country from 1992-1995. Bosniaks survived unimaginable horrors: ethnic cleansing (a euphemism for genocide), concentration camps, and rape camps. Many of those who were forced out of their homes have never returned to their hometowns. Healing and reconciliation is what is needed for the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In order for that to happen, dialogue must take place. But genocide deniers cannot be included in this dialogue. These people are an insult to all of the war’s victims, regardless of ethnic background.

Men like Bissett and MacKenzie are a disgrace to Canada, and do not reflect the strong moral values that Canadians hold dear. These are not people who should be offering advice on peacekeeping and foreign policy. Canadian TV ought to do a thorough research on people they choose to feature in their news segments. Viewers deserve better than to be fed distorted lies and half-truths by unscrupulous men, and to have these presented as “news” to the Canadian public.

Mr. Bissett and Mr. Mackenzie attempt to deny that the war was started by Bosnian Serbs with strong support from the Serbian Army. The Institute for Research of Genocide Canada would like to remind Mr. Bissett and Mr. MacKenzie that as Croatia and Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina had a right to decide on accession from Yugoslavia through a democratic referendum which took place in 1992 and Serbs voluntarily boycotted. Furthermore, Radovan Karadzic’s speech in front of the Bosnian Parliament in 1991 openly threatened the existence of Bosniak people if accession were to occur. ^[4] His speech indicates that the only way to prevent a conflict was if the Bosniaks and Croats agreed to stay in a Serb-dominated Yugoslavia. In the CTV interview, Bissett openly states that the conflict would not have happened if Bosniaks followed the Radovan Karadzic’s rules. Bissett also attempts to place equal blame on the Bosniaks and the Serbs for the atrocities committed during the conflict. However the facts do not lie. The evidence against the Bosnian Serb political and military leadership and the army is overwhelming: presence of concentration camps, rape camps, forced impregnations, ongoing discovery of mass graves, over 200,000 people killed of which 22 000 children, over 240,000 injured, of which 52,000 children, over 100,600 handicapped, of which 4000 children, over 1.225 million displaced in over a hundred countries, over 850,000 displaced persons within Bosnia and Herzegovina, over 53, 600 missing persons of which 28,420 from Srebrenica and Zepa, over 475 villages were completely destroyed, 61 cities occupied or still under Serb occupation, victims’ struggle with the past and the evidence presented in courts are all examples that prove the guilt of the Bosnian Serb Army for the atrocities committed between 1992 and 1995. ^[5] We suggest Mr. Bissett visits Bosnia and Herzegovina and speaks to the victims to get a sense of the severity of damage committed by the Serbs.

Bissett and MacKenzie present the Bosnian war as a “civil war of factions”, with all three ethnic groups, committing atrocities. They attempt to blame Bosniaks and the President of Bosnia-Herzegovina at the time, Alija Izetbegovic, for starting the war.

The Bosnian War was an international armed conflict and a war of aggression against the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, who, in a referendum that took place on February 29th, 1992, voted for independence from Yugoslavia. Both Serbia and Croatia supported and armed fellow Serbs and Croats in Bosnia, in an effort to create “ethnically pure” swaths of territory. The following represents a summary of important truths:
1) The CIA estimated that at least 90% of all war crimes were committed by the Serb side; and
2) The overwhelming majority of victims were Bosniaks, who faced the possibility of extinction as a group from the beginning of the war right up until the end. According to Dr. Smail Cekic, Professor at the Faculty of political science and Director of the Institute for Research of Crimes Against Humanity and International Law, University of Sarajevo; numerous relevant sources of different provenance reliably suggest the two initial and basic, essential fundamental settings and provisions for the contemporary events and episodes in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina at the end of 20th century: First, a classic armed aggression was conducted against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, that is, it was crime against peace and safety of mankind which is according to the basic understanding and definition an international armed conflict and Second, the worst crimes – crime of genocide was committed in the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina against Bosniaks under siege. ^[5]
Mr. Bissett and Mr. MacKenzie are staunch supporters of the most radical ultra-nationalist Serbian groups. Both have also taken on the role of paid mouthpieces for Serbian-American and Serbian-Canadian lobby groups. They have gone as far as to deny that genocide took place in Srebrenica in July, 1995, when the Serb army, run by General RatkoMladic (awaiting trial at The Hague for war crimes), overran the UN safe haven, killing 8372 men and boys and forcibly transporting 25,000 women to Bosnian-held territory. Their tactics include downplaying, denying or minimizing the losses suffered by Bosniaks, Croats, and other non-Serbs (even when these are supported by findings of the international community), while grossly exaggerating Serbian losses and casualties of the war.

We, the undersigned representatives of our respective organizations, express our dismay and disappointment that twenty years on, the attempt to place equal responsibility from external actors on both parties continues instead of attempting to create a framework for reconciliation. Mr. Bissett and Mr. MacKenzie have been close allies with Serbs since the beginning of the conflict and the fact that they continue to promote genocide denial and present false facts such as the ones seen on the CTV news segment contributes to the hostilities between the Bosniak and the Serb community. In addition, Mr. Bissett disregards and disrespects the rights of the survivors of the genocide and grave breaches of the Geneva Convention. Until individuals such as these two continue to add fuel to the fire, no progress can be made toward reconciliation between Bosnian and Serbian communities.

We strongly encourage Canada and the international community to re-commit its efforts in the campaign against genocide and to reengage in Bosnia and Herzegovina so that similar atrocities never occur again.

Sincerely,
Professor Emir Ramic
Director, Institute for Research Genocide, Canada

Haris Alibasic, MPA
President, Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB)

Ajla Delkic, M.A.
Executive Director, Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina (ACBH)

Professor dr. Smail Cekic
Director, Institute for Research of Crimes Against Humanity and International Law, University of Sarajevo

Professor dr. Senadin Lavic
President, Bosniak Cultural Association, Sarajevo
Sanja Seferovic-Drnovsek J.D, MEd
Director, Bosnian American Genocide Institute and Education Center

^2]James Bissett’s “The Lord Byron Foundation for Balkans Studies” at balkanstudies.org .

^3]PACIFIC NEWS SERVICE. Suspected of Rape: Canadian Peacekeeper Gen. Lewis Mackenzie; http://bosniangenocide.wordpress.com/2011/03/06/suspected-of-rape-canadian-peacekeeper-gen-lewis-mackenzie/

^4]See: Professor dr. Smail Čekić, Research of Genocide Victims with a special emphasis on Bosnia and Herzegovina, The Institute for Research of Crimes Against Humanity and International Law of the Sarajevo University

^5]See: Professor dr. Smail Čekić, The Aggression Against The Republic Of Bosnia And Herzegovina: Planning, Preparation, Execution, Part I, II

The Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB) strongly condemns all efforts by the government of the Republic of Serbia to rehabilitate Chetnik general and convicted war criminal Dragoljub “Draza” Mihailovic.

In the Second World War, General Mihailovic was the leader of the Chetnik Detachment of the Yugoslav Army – commonly referred to as the Ravna Gora Chetniks. The Chetniks were a Serbian fascist and ultra-nationalist military organization that collaborated with the Nazis and targeted Yugoslav Partisans and non-Serbs living in Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina for extermination. Under Mihailovic’s command, the Chetniks collaborated with the Axis powers and committed horrendous war crimes and crimes against humanity against Bosniak and Croat civilians living in Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. The Chetniks murdered an estimated 60,000 civilians and burned several hundred small Bosnian towns and villages to the ground in an attempt to terrorize the civilian population and ethnically cleanse Bosniaks and Croats from their homes in order to form an ethnically pure greater Serbian state. After the war, the Yugoslav authorities apprehended General Mihailovic; following a trial he was convicted of treason and war crimes and was executed.

The fascist Chetnik ideology resurfaced in Bosnia-Herzegovina during the 1992-1995 war and genocide as Serb forces committed ethnic cleansing and genocide against Bosniak civilians in a renewed effort to form an ethnically cleansed greater Serbian state. This virulent and destructive fascist ideology is still alive and enjoys considerable support among far-right Serbian organizations operating in Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. It presents a clear danger to Bosniak and Croat civilians living in Bosnia-Herzegovina and to peace and stability in the Balkans.

Rehabilitating Mihailovic would signal that the Serbian government condones the fascist Chetnik ideology that has resulted in the deaths and forced displacement of hundreds of thousands of civilians and that it approves of the war crimes and crimes against humanity that were committed by troops under Mihailovic’s command. It would be a grave insult to victims of fascism as well as to survivors and all those who fought fascism, including Serbians, in Yugoslavia during the Second Word War. It would further tarnish Serbia’s international standing as a country that celebrates war criminals and creates instability and tensions in South-Eastern Europe. It could also signal a resurgence in far-right movements in Serbia that could in turn embolden similar movements in other European countries, leading to future rehabilitation attempts of NAZI and fascist war criminals in other European countries.

We ask that non-governmental human rights organizations in the US, Europe, and particularly in Serbia join us in condemning attempts by Serbian authorities to rehabilitate fascist war criminals and revise history in favor of fascism in the Balkans and the rest of Europe.

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The Honorable Rick Perry
Governor of the State of Texas
P.O. Box 12428
Austin, Texas 78711-2428

The Honorable David Dewhurst
Lieutenant Governor of the State of Texas
Capitol Station
P.O. Box 12068
Austin, Texas 78711

The Honorable Joe Straus
Speaker of the House
Texas House of Representatives
Room CAP 2W.13, Capitol
P.O. Box 2910
Austin, TX 78768

Dear Governor Perry, Lieutenant Governor Dewhurst, and Speaker Straus:

On behalf of the Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB) and the Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina (ACBH) which represent the interests of over 350,000 Bosnian American citizens in the United States as well as the Institute for Research of Crimes Against Humanity and International Law and the Institute for Research Genocide, Canada, we are writing to express grave concern and dismay at language used in the Senate Concurrent Resolution No. 39 of 2011, signed on June 17, 2011. Lines 19 and 20 of page 1 state that “in April of 1992, the siege of Sarajevo began, leading to the deaths of more than 2,000 Bosnian Serbs.” The aforementioned quote is a flagrant disregard for historical facts and an insult to the victims of genocide committed by Serbian forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). We urge you and your appropriate state agencies to act swiftly to amend this resolution and disallow Serbian revisionists to rewrite history in the most brutal and insulting way. While there were Bosnian Serbs who died as a result of the Serbian siege of Sarajevo, they were victims of a larger scale attempt by the Serbian forces to eliminate the majority Bosniak population of BiH.

Genocide in BiH was the brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing in which one million Bosniaks were displaced and half a million were permanently removed from their ancestral land.

Over 100,000 Bosniak civilians were killed during the 1992-95 war of aggression on BiH. The Bosnian Genocide was characterized by a policy of systematic rape of Bosniak women and girls, horrific and prolonged siege and shelling of Bosniak cities, including Sarajevo, and the starvation and terrorizing of the Bosniak population in the besieged enclaves. The brutal siege on the city of Sarajevo resulted in 10,000 killed, 1,500 of those being innocent children, 56,000 wounded civilians and the destruction of Bosniak culture and history.

We are fully in support of the idea and intent of the 82nd State of Texas Senate and House Legislature to declare the month of April as the “Genocide Awareness and Prevention Month” in tribute to all of those whose lives were touched by genocide, and as a reminder of the need for the protection of human rights and for vigilance against the forces of intolerance. However, it is imperative that such intent takes historical facts into consideration.

We respectfully request that you fully acknowledge the historical facts and rescind the SCR 39 of 2011 in the interest of promoting the full truth and correct a grave insult to the victims of genocide in BiH.

It is important to note that during the war of aggression on BiH, not one city was under siege by Bosniak forces; in fact, the majority of Bosnian Serb civilian casualties were killed by the Serbian army commanded by Gen. Ratko Mladic, a convicted war criminal, in the process of sniping and shelling multiethnic Bosnian cities like Sarajevo and Tuzla. The Serb people and the Serb culture were not deliberately targeted for ethnic cleansing, rape, siege, shelling, and destruction in Bosnia. The war of aggression on BiH was the Serb project of a “Greater Serbia”, modeled on a Nazi policy of ethnic purification that inflicted tremendous suffering on the Bosniak people between 1992 and 1995.

The four international judgments acknowledging that genocide indeed did take place in BiH other than in Srebrenica include: Prosecutor v Nikola Jorgic in the Doboj region, Prosecutor v Novislav Djajic [Dzajic] in the Foča region, Prosecutor v Djuradj Kuslic [Kusljic] in the city of Kotor Varos and Prosecutor v Maksim Sokolovic in the city of Kalesija and the Zvornik region. All three cases were tried in Germany at the request of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to ease caseload of the ongoing trials at The Hague.

We need not remind you of the horrific outcome of Serbian ultra-nationalistic plan to annihilate and ethnically cleanse the Bosniak people in Bosnia and Herzegovina. After the Holocaust, the civilized world made a promise to never let such atrocities happen again, yet because of unchecked rhetoric and appeasement, the unthinkable happened again in the heart of Europe. It is therefore of utmost importance that we increase the awareness of the dangers of genocide denial in order to prevent a genocide from happening again elsewhere in the world.

We owe it to the victims of genocide everywhere, not just in Bosnia, to honor them by remembering them. We stand ready to provide you with adequate language.

Thank you for your attention to this urgent request.

Sincerely,

Haris Alibasic, MPA
President, Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB)

Ajla Delkic, M.A.
Executive Director, Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina (ACBH)

Dr. Smail Cekic
Director, Institute for Research of Crimes Against Humanity and International Law, University of Sarajevo

Dr. Senadin Lavic
President, Bosniak Cultural Association, Sarajevo

Dr. Emir Ramic
Director, Institute for Research Genocide, Canada

Sanja Seferovic-Drnovsek J.D, MEd
Director, Bosnian American Genocide Institute and Education Center

As an organization that advocates for peace and stability in the Balkans, we have repeatedly called for U.S. support of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s membership action plan (MAP) for NATO and to expedite its candidacy which is in the mutual national interests of both countries.

For Bosnia and Herzegovina, full NATO membership would bring about an increased sense of stability and security, ensuring that the horrors of the nineties shall never be repeated and that Bosnia and Herzegovina can never be threatened by any of its neighbors. . It would also have very positive political and economic effects, as NATO membership would mean that Serb ultra-nationalists’ separatist agenda would be put to rest, while increased confidence in future stability would lead to more direct foreign investments and a much needed boost to the economy.

Likewise, the United States has a strategic interest in the region to ensure stability, and to retain diplomatic and economic influence in a region that has traditionally been under threat of Russian domination through  Serbia’s nationalists.  Bosnia and Herzegovina is a proven friend of the United States, and the Bosnian people will never forget the assistance that was provided by the U.S. led NATO military intervention to bring about the end to the war of aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina.  Despite political challenges, this is evidenced with the fact that Bosnia-Herzegovina was one of the first countries to sign the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) with the United States; it cooperated with the United States on matters of security, counter-terrorism, as well as prevention of drug and human trafficking. Bosnia and Herzegovina has also been a key partner with the NATO forces, in the United Nations Security Council, actively participating in missions in Afghanistan and Iraq, and Bosnian forensic experts helped US officials identify 9/11 victims, just to name few examples.

On behalf of more than 300,000 Bosniak Americans, CNAB encourages all of its members and friends of the Bosnian people to call their United States Senator and ask them to support NATO Enhancement Act, S.2177.  To locate your senator, please visit the U.S. Senate website.

Serbia participated directly in the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina;

Serbian forces committed gruesome atrocities against civilian population, including genocide against Bosniaks in Bosnia and
Herzegovina;

Serbia supported and hid war criminals, such as Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic until it was convenient for its government to hand them over to the authorities in the Hague.

These are just some of the historical facts that Mr. Stojadinovic must know.  His misleading statements are slap in the face to thousands of innocent Bosnia and Herzegovina victims, and orphaned children who lost their parents to the Serbian nationalists dream of a Greater Serbia that, until just a short while ago, Mr. Stojadinovic’s government was fully supporting.

He should apologize for the intentional misrepresentation aimed at Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

In the words of the great Abraham Lincoln “No man has a good enough memory to make a successful liar.”  Mr. Stojadinovic’s memory seems to be fading quite rapidly.

On behalf of CNAB,

Kemal Hamulic, spokesperson

Bosnia and Herzegovina has been at the intersection of different civilizations and cultures, which left a lasting imprint on its political, social, and cultural development. All the available documents confirm the historic state-legal continuity of Bosnia due to evidence of unique identity of its people, territory, and borders. Around the mid-10th century, a state known as Bosnia was formed in the area around the source of and the upper flow of the river Bosna and its surrounding areas, and its people were known as Bosnians.

As confirmed through historically objective facts, Bosnia, as a politically independent state, came to existence no later than the 10th century. It was subsequently under constant external pressure from the Byzantine Empire in the early medieval period and later even more so under pressure from the Roman Catholic Church. Nevertheless, Bosnia as a banate and kingdom maintained its sovereignty and territorial integrity until the Ottoman occupation in the latter part of the 15th century. Historically confirmed records point out that the Bosnian rulers, due to threat of crusades and military aggression, had to pledge allegiance to the Byzantine or Catholic churches. However, the facts also point out that they covertly continued to support the advent of the autochthonic and independent Bosnian Church which was the source of tension and target of the Inquisition with the purpose of eradicating the “heretics”. The teachings of the Bosnian Church were structured as part of the Bosnian identity and a holder of the idea of independence. It was considered as a spiritual resistance against Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy, and a cause for ample wars against Bosnia.

Among the documents, which unequivocally speak of political and any other independence of Bosnia and the full capacity of the ruling by Bosnian rulers, is the Charter of Kulin ban, issued to Dubrovnik in 1189. There are a large number of Charters and other documents issued by the Bosnian kings, as well as other sources, which confirm the existence of Bosnia as a state, its full political independence, specifics of internal relations and religious autochthonism and independence

In addition to the Charter of Kulin ban, a historic document, which confirms the existence of Bosnia as an independent state, another important date relative to the Bosnian history is the fall of Bosnia in 1463. That date confirms that the Ottoman Empire occupied Bosnia.Although Bosnia had lost its sovereignty during the Ottoman period, the continuity of the unique Bosnian identity was made possible thought the conscious efforts of the Bosnian people within the Ottoman administrative system to preserve the territorial integrity and sense of belonging to the Bosnian people and country. This is also evident in the internal order of the Bosnian Pashaluk and Herzegovinian Sanjak which later served as the basis for modern borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Bosniaks tried to restore the Bosnian state in 1831-1832, at the time of series of nationalist rebellions in the territory of the Ottoman Empire, when Serbia, Greece, Bulgaria, Walachia and other Ottoman Empire provinces won their national and state autonomies, with the support of western countries. Bosnian autonomy movement for autonomy and revival of the Bosnian state was stopped primarily because of the lack internal support from a number of Bosnian elite who were still loyal to the Ottoman Empire Lack of support had an adverse effect, as it unintentionally enabled the expansionist aspirations from neighboring countries towards Bosnia. Serbia and Montenegro, as well as Austro-Hungary, attempted to destabilize the situation in Bosnia, organizing rebellions and movements with the objective to allow the establishment of Serbian, Montenegrin, or Austro-Hungarian dominance in Bosnia.

These attempts against Bosnia were finalized at the Berlin Congress in 1878, when Bosnia and Herzegovina was given to Austro-Hungary, with the mandate to “occupy and supervise the province Bosnia and Herzegovina”, with the alleged mission to reinstate the peace and order. In fact, this was an excuse for subsequent incorporation of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Bosnia and Herzegovina remained a part of Austro-Hungarian Monarchy until October 29, 1918, and on December 1, 1918, it became a part of the newly established common Yugoslav monarchist state (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenians, that is, Kingdom of Yugoslavia). This date was one of the most crucial dates in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which as in the past (1463 and 1878), proved the existence of forces interested in eliminating Bosnia and Herzegovina as a historic and political subject from the political map of Europe. With the introduction of the January 6, dictatorship (1929), which was in line with the Greater-Serbia ideology, politics and practice, the territorial integrity and specifics of Bosnia and Herzegovina were destroyed, as well as the compactness of Bosniak people. The Serbian-Croatian agreement of 1939 divided Bosnia and Herzegovina between Serbia and Croatia, which ignored the fact the Bosniaks were majority.

With the fall and capitulation of the monarchist Yugoslavia in April 1941, under the severe conditions of fascist occupation and destruction of Yugoslavia, the Independent State of Croatia was declared on April 10, 1941 and its occupation included Bosnia and Herzegovina, based on decision of the fascist forces and the will of Croatian fascists. Citizens of Bosnia were not asked if they wanted such establishment. Bosniaks were turned into an element of Croatian national politics.

The newly established occupational regime resulted in general deterioration of living conditions, especially severe persecution of population. Coupled with the withdrawal of the main occupational forces from Yugoslavia towards the Eastern front, as well as reduction of density of occupation to the European average totaling to 1 soldier per 1 square kilometer in the occupied territory, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia used the circumstances to start the antifascist rebellion. The Government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in exile, having signed the capitulation, placed itself under the protection of Great Britain, and refused to respond to the invitation of the antifascist coalition to organize the resistance in the occupied territory. Instead, it waited in London for the fall of the Tripartite Pact, to regain the power in Yugoslavia. Serbian nationalist Chetnik movement of Draža Mihailović joined other collaborationists in the combat against National liberation movement and committed genocide against Bosniaks and other crimes against combatants and supporters of the National liberation movement, and all antifascists.

The Ustasha collaborationist regime relied more on the Third Reich and pursued its policy of persecution of non-Croatian population. The victims of the Ustasha genocide were Serbs, Jews, and Roma. Bosniak religious and political leadership opposed the atrocities committed under Ustasha regime and issued well known Muslim Resolutions, unique phenomenon in the World War II.
All the offensives, except for the first one, were pursued by the occupying forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the big battles, such as the battles at Neretva River and Sutjeska Mountain were conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina. These battles were the turning points in the Yugoslav frontline against Nazi forces in the World War II.

Yugoslavia, particularly Bosnia and Herzegovina, had an honorable place and gave a huge contribution to the antifascist combat and the liberation of the country.
During the antifascist war, some important political changes took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Antifascist war against the occupying forces and their collaborationists could count on the success only on terms that all residents of Bosnia and Herzegovina and all the peoples living in it were convinced that the victory would result in equality and freedom. That was a decisive factor, which directed the political life and public opinion in Bosnia towards common, rather than partial political objectives. This fact ultimately resulted in the position that Bosnia and its residents, all the peoples living in it could be free and equal if Bosnia had equal status like the other countries, created from the National liberation war. Thus, the dominant position that the war against fascism and fight for the equality of citizens and peoples living in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina was possible and efficient only if the Bosnian state was restored and that all living in it are equal. That political platform had an absolute and unquestioned support of all the antifascist forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as representatives of all its people who on November 25, 1943 adopted the famous ZAVNOBiH ( “Antifascist Council of National Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina” ) Resolution, which restored the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina – a common state of Serbs, Croats, Muslims (Bosniaks), and others.

At the Second Antifascist Council of National Liberation of Yugoslavia, held on November 29, 1943 in Jajce, a decision on federal establishment of new Yugoslavia was made, with Bosnia and Herzegovina as one of the future six constituents. The ZAVNOBIH decision made at its Second Session on June 30, –July 2,1944 in Sanski Most, Bosnia and Herzegovina was legally constituted within its historic borders as a state of equal citizens – Serbs, Croats, and Muslims (Bosniaks), as a federal unit of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia.

All of the above was confirmed by the First Constitution of the Federal National Republic of Yugoslavia (FNRY), adopted at the Constitutional Assembly in Belgrade on January 31, 1946. Bosnia and Herzegovina, according to the first FNRY Constitution, was the only constituent of the Federation without any national prefix, yet with the preserved statehood.

Meanwhile, ZAVNOBiH held its Third session on April 26-28, 1945 in Sarajevo and it reorganized itself into National Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the same time, the first national government of Bosnia and Herzegovina was elected. National Assembly prepared elections for the Constitutional Assembly, after the ratification of ZAVNOBiH documents, as the National Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina held on October 13, 1946. The Constitutional Assembly drafted and adopted on December 30, 1946 the first Constitution of the National Republic of BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA.

The international recognition of the Federal National Republic of Yugoslavia and consequent agreement on its borders by the peace agreement occurred on February 10, 1947 in Paris (argumento a minore ad maius). This led to the conclusion that the borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina are the result of several centuries’ long political, cultural, and demographic development of its state borders.

Bosnia and Herzegovina, in its post-war development (1945-1991), and based on the legacy of the National liberation movement and antifascist combat, achieved significant economic and cultural development, ensuring, among other things, the national affirmation of Bosniaks; and despite the fact that for two decades Muslims were marked only as a religious identity (rather than ethnic) and only Serbs and Croats were marked as ethnic groups. The period of its renaissance allowed the creation of independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Under the extremely difficult conditions of the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina and the genocide against Bosniaks (1993), Bosniaks replaced the religious foundation of its identity (Muslim) with the identification based on their historic identity, based on the life of a country and a state of Bosnia and its people Bosnians – Bosniaks.

*****
During the general Yugoslav crisis (1990s of the 20th century), the sovereign Bosnia and Herzegovina and its authorities took the position during the talks on rearrangement or dissolution of the common state that it should remain as a single country, regardless of a potential form (federation or confederation) accepting also the potential asymmetric options. Following the coup in the SFRY Presidency (October 3, 1991), the Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, adopted on October 14, 1991 the Memorandum (Letter of intention) and Platform on the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the future structure of Yugoslav community. Due to the specifics of this multiethnic composition, the condition for staying in the Yugoslav community was that Serbia and Croatia would stay too. In conditions of silent occupation and the Hague Conference (commencing on October 8, 1991 together with the UNSG special envoy S. Vance), 100 days passed waiting for the results of the conference and the position of the European Community.

Unlike them, following the instructions of their employers in Belgrade and Zagreb, two of three collation partners, without leaving their positions, intensified their fifth column activities and the destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina at all levels.

The Brussels Declaration on Yugoslavia of December 17, 1991, based on recommendation of Badenteur (Robert Badenteur) Arbitrary commission of December 7, declared the dissolution (fall) of SFRY and the republics were invited to declare their position on independence by 23 December 1991, with a promise that they would be recognized on January 15, 1992. Bosnia and Herzegovina filed an Application and responded to the Questionnaire of the Arbitration commission, and this time was also used for the preparation of the Draft Constitution of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

On January 15, 1992, new Report of the Badenteur Arbitration commission was published, in which the establishment of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a sovereign and independent state was only conditioned with the referendum of its citizens, as all the other December terms from the European Community Declaration were fulfilled.
On January 26, 1992, the Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina made the Decision to announce the referendum on future status of the Republic. Referendum was scheduled and held on February 29 and March 1, 1992.

The referendum was held under the international control and the practical occupation of the country, due to the increased presence of the Yugoslav National Army (JNA) forces and illegally armed Serb formations. There were also criminal activities of the para-state Croatian Community of Herzeg-Bosnia, with the sole purpose of “declaring Croatian state in Bosnia and Herzegovina” and its “joining to the Republic of Croatia.” Additionally municipalities in which “the regionalization of Serbs” was completed refused to participate and organize the referendum. An attempt to redefine referendum question related to the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the Croatian Democratic Community for Bosnia and Herzegovina (so-called Livno issue) was also made. Other forms of destructive attempts against Bosnia and Herzegovina were made, and a huge pressure was exerted on voters. During the referendum, of 3,253,847 registered voters, despite the obstruction and pressure of the Serb Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina in a large number of municipalities, 2,073,568 or 64.31% voters responded. Positive response to a referendum question (for a sovereign and independent Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state of equal citizens and peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina – Muslims, Serbs, Croats and members of other ethnic groups who live in it) was circled by 2,061,932 or 63.95% of potential number of voters, or 99.44% of those who voted in the referendum (only 6,037 or 0.19% voters were against)

Following the Referendum and rather long consultations with allies, on April 6, 1992, European Community recognized the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. United States of America did the same the following day. Bosnia and Herzegovina was in this way an internationally recognized state and it achieved a full state sovereignty and international and legal subjectivity. Political and administrative borders of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as one of the six federal units of the SFRY, became internationally recognized borders.

Serbia and Montenegro, and the Republic of Croatia, during the disintegration of Yugoslavia, established the collaborationist, nationalist creations (Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatian Community Herzeg-Bosnia, and Autonomous Province of West Bosnia), organized and systematically completed all the preparations (ideological, intelligence, political, military, media, legal, economic, and other) to execute genocide and other forms of crimes in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Objective of the aggression was the conquering and destruction of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the extermination of Bosniaks. Objective was an aggressive war for the territories, “living space”, stealing someone else’s – Bosnian land. Various original documents testify that these crimes against humanity an international law were planned

The aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and genocide against Bosniaks is the essence of common joint criminal enterprise.

Intention of that criminal act had as an objective capturing, division, and destruction of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the extermination of Bosniaks or their limitation down to an insignificant ethnic group. All the relevant sources confirm that prior to the aggression against Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the genocide committed against Bosniaks, there was a well-designed intention to commit these and other forms of crimes

To achieve these genocidal intentions, the following activities were undertaken: the constitutional concept of defense of the Former Yugoslavia was destroyed; the Territorial defense of Bosnia and Herzegovina was reduced and disarmed together with some other constitutional elements of the Federation; Yugoslav National Army transformed from the antifascist and multiethnic armed force to a Greater Serbia army; the classic aggressive plans of the Kingdom of Serbia Army against Bosnia and Herzegovina were tested; the Serbian and Croatian extreme nationalistic movements were restored; the methods, mechanisms, and procedures for planning and preparation of crimes were defined; a principal arrangement how to destroy Bosnia and Herzegovina was reached between the heads of two neighboring states – Pact Milošević – Tuđman (March 1991); the new borders were drawn; the fifth column was organized and armed in Bosnia and Herzegovina; the command in the occupied territories was unified in hands of the heads of neighboring states = which appeared as the occupation forces; the initial positions for the aggression and other criminal activities were taken, which allowed efficient aggression and genocide against Bosniaks.

The aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina was planned (politically, militarily, economically, psychologically, through media and intelligence campaign), with clearly defined objective, which was the destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The execution of this plan was ordered from the responsible political and military positions, and it was executed according to plan in an organized and systematic manner. The aggressors against the state are known, as well as the ideologists, planners, organizers, order issuing authorities, and the accomplices in this crime.

The war was planned, prepared, and executed as the act of aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with intent to commit genocide against Bosniaks. The aggressors controlled and commanded the execution of the aggression; operatively planned, prepared, coordinated, directed and through their officers pursued combat operations against Bosnia and Herzegovina; secured manpower (officers and soldiers), complete logistic support (tanks, transporters, helicopters, artillery and infantry armament, radar and computing equipment, mine explosive ordnance, ammunition, fuel and oils, and other strategic raw materials; paramedic material; health care and the other military equipment, salaries and pensions, thus they directly participated in the execution of genocide and other forms of crimes against humanity and international law. It was only in the period until December 31 (year?) that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia secured for the aggression 89.4% of infantry, 73% artillery, and 95.1% antiaircraft ammunition. The International Court of Justice had all these records during the proceedings, but unfortunately, it did not consider them just like many other crucial pieces of evidence relative to direct participation and responsibility of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and genocide committed against Bosniaks.

The armed aggression, aggressive war against Bosnia and Herzegovina, was an integral part of the Milošević’s state policies, in whose name the biggest part of Bosnia and Herzegovina was occupied, Bosniaks killed, expelled, and taken to the concentration camps just because of their national, ethnic, and religious background. Genocide against Bosniaks, in addition to taking over and division of Bosnia and Herzegovina between two aggressors, was an instrument of achieving the principle objective of aggression – expansion of the aggressor lebensraum. An important condition for this objective was biological and spiritual extermination of Bosniaks. Unexplainable passive attitude of the international community, inadequate attitude of the United Nations, and inefficiency of the international order facilitated the aggressors and their collaborationists to use this instrument and try to exterminate Bosniaks, whereby they committed genocide.

During the defensive war, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina defended itself from brutal aggression. The defensive war was pursued mainly by its own forces and tools, in conditions of multiple overpower by the aggressor and in situation when Bosnia and Herzegovina, an independent state and a member of the UN, by an unlawful arms embargo adopted in 1991 by UN Security Council on the request of the Serbian leadership and Slobodan Milošević personally, was practically deprived of the right to defend its territorial integrity and the safety of its citizens from the aggression and genocide, the right guaranteed in the Charter of the United Nations [Source].

The mobilized reserve police staff and self-organized groups of patriots offered first resistance and allowed, on the Platform for actions of Presidency in time of war, the highest framework for gathering the patriotic forces. Under the leadership of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina Territorial Defense Headquarters, gathering of significant, though poorly armed groups, which in summer 1992 transformed into the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which constantly grew, although it remained poorly armed. From the initial companies, battalions, detachments, and groups, the Army was transformed into brigades and corps, but the units remained attached to certain territories. In addition to the central free territory, there were several detached enclaves. It was difficult to acquire any armament, mainly through war repossession of weaponry taken from the aggressor and their supporters.

The defensive war was pursued with the own forces and tools in conditions, which sometimes compared to impossible. The country and its Territorial Defense was first disarmed, then occupied, whereby an effective occupation apparatus was established in one third of its occupied territory, which also thanks to the fifth column and the activities of several political parties, primarily Serb Democratic Party and Croat Democratic Community, prevented adequate preparations for the defense. Like in the case of National liberation war, 1941-1945, the beginning was very difficult: available, conquered, manufactured in primitive workshops, or even bought from large amounts of money, the weapons and ammunition were far below the number of volunteers, so that even several individuals would use one rifle.

With the long-lasting efforts, the constellations of the relations in the country and the world changed. Although reduced to less than 30% of the total space and isolated from one another, free territories were somehow consolidated.

In summer 1995, the defensive war was at the edge of a complete success, because it did not go for somebody else’s territory, but only to defend its own territory and its sovereign, internationally recognized state and a member of the UN. Approaching to this final success was however long-lasting and cumbersome, it was achieved with the last atom of its Army and people. The success was stopped by the Dayton Agreement, which legalized the aggressive war against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and genocide against Bosniaks, and imposed solutions, which are not in line with the international democratic standards.

European Community, UN, and international community, although they accepted the results of the referendum for sovereign and independent Bosnia and Herzegovina and recognized it, they did not protect the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina – its member, a victim of armed aggression and genocide. Instead, the UN Security Council, not only failed to protect Bosnia, but it also deprived it of its right to defend itself from aggression and genocide. Genocide victims (Bosniaks) unfortunately, were deprived of the right to self-defend with the arms embargo (September 25, 1991). Imposed upon (SFR) Yugoslavia, rather than Bosnia and Herzegovina, embargo was unlawful and free of any legal basis, as it deprived a sovereign state, UN member from its natural right to self-defense. Yet, Bosnia and Herzegovina survived thanks to the brave resistance of its fighters, guided on principles of acquired sovereignty and independence in 1992.

The Dayton Agreement rewarded the aggressor and their collaborationists and nationalists, who destroyed the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and committed the genocide against Bosniaks, unlike the WWII when the occupying forces were militarily defeated.

Present day Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina is made of two entities, one of which is Republika Srpska or the Serb entity, a genocidal creation o, created on grave violations of international humanitarian law, marked and soaked in mainly Bosniaks blood, and covered with numerous mass graves and concentration camps, in which Chetnik extremist organizations espousing Nazi principles legally operate,. Political leadership and other structures of Republika Srpska, in line with the Greater Serbia ideology, politics, and practice, by all means conceal, minimize, relativize, and deny genocide against Bosniaks; they permanently and continuously equalize genocide victims and the perpetrators of genocide; they deny historic, political, legal and state continuity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, obstruct the strengthening of the state Bosnia and Herzegovina and permanently pursue the policy of secession, destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina, deny the possibility of sustainability, development, and improvement of the quality of life, which altogether undermines the issue of universal human values, freedoms and rights, civilization and cultural legacy. Entity Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was essentially created by the Washington Agreement (March 18, 1994). Bosniaks who were expelled have not been able to return to their homes.
It is finally the time for the unification, and that all the progressive pro Bosnian forces start acting jointly on the preservation and development of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state of all its citizens and nations.

Prof. dr. Smail Čekić
Director of the Institute for Research of Crimes against Humanity and International Law, University of Sarajevo

Prof. dr. Senadin Lavić
President of the Bosniak Cultural Association Sarajevo

Prof. Emir Ramić
Director of the Institute for Research Genocide, Canada

Haris Alibašić, MPA
President of the Congress of North American Bosniaks

————-
Bibliography
A partial bibliography on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s history, culture/ Djelomična bibliografija o historiji i kulturi Bosne i Hercegovine
Allen, Beverly (1995) Rape Warfare: The Hidden Genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia. Minneapolis. University of Minnesota Press.
Benac, Alojz (1955) Kulturna istorija Bosne i Hercegovine. Narodna prosvjeta, Sarajevo.
Balić, Smail (1994) Kultura Bošnjaka: Muslimanska komponenta. Tuzla.
Balić, Smail. (1952). Etičko naličje bosansko-hercegovačkih muslimana. Gottstein.
Banac, Ivo (1984) The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics. Ithaca. Cornell University Press.
Banac, Ivo Nation and Ideology: Essays in Honor of Wayne S. Vucinich (eds. Banac I., Ackerman J. G., and Szporluk P.). Boulder. East European Monographs, # 95.
Bašeskija, Mula Mustafa Sevki (1987) Ljetopis: 1746 – 1804. [Chronicle: 1746 - 1804.] Sarajevo. Veselin Maslesa.
Binga, Tone (1995). Being Muslim the Bosnian Way [Paperback]. Princeton University Press.
Cigar, Norman (1995) Genocide in Bosnia – The Policy of ‘Ethnic Cleasing’. Texas A&M University Press.
Cushman, Thomas and Mestrovic, Stjepan (1996) This time we knew – Western Responses to Genocide in Bosnia. New York University Press.
Čekić, Smail. (1995) Causes, objectives and extent of the aggression against Bosnia and Hercegovina 1991.-1995. Vijeće Kongresa bošnjačkih intelektualaca.
Čekić, Smail. (2009) Research of genocide victims with a special emphasis on Bosnia and Herzegovina: problems and issues in scientific theory and methodology. Institute for the Research of Crimes against Humanity and International Law of the University of Sarajevo.
Čekić, Smail. (2005) The aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina: planning, preparation, execution, Book 1. Institute for the Research of Crimes against Humanity and International Law of the University of Sarajevo.
Dizdarevic, Zlatko (1993) Sarajevo, A War Journal. New York. Fromm International.
Donia, Robert (1981) Islam Under the Double Eagle: The Muslims Of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1878 – 1914. [East European Monographs #78]. Boulder. Columbia University Press.
Donia, Robert and Fine, John (1994) Bosnia and Herzegovina, A Tradition Betrayed. New York. Columbia University Press.
Doubt, Keith (2000) Sociology after Bosnia and Kosovo. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers
Filipović, Muhamed (2004) Historija bosanske duhovnosti (4 sveske), Svjetlost, Sarajevo
Fine, John (1975) The Bosnian Church: A New Interpretation. Boulder. East European Quarterly.
Franjevci Bosne i Hercegovine na Raskrscu Kultura i Civilizacija: (1988) Katalog Izlozbe. [Franciscans of Bosnia and Herzegovina at the Crosroads of Cultures and Civilizations -- Catalogue of the Exhibition)]. Zagreb. MGC.
Friedman, Francine. (1996). The Bosnian Muslims: Denial Of A Nation [Paperback]. Westview Press.
Gutman, Roy (1993) A Witness to Genocide. New York. Macmillan Publishing Company.
Ibraković, Dželal (2008) Bosna, islam – Bošnjaci (etnološko-povijesne skice) . Faukultet političkih nauka, Sarajevo.
Imamović, Mustafa (1998) Historija Bošnjaka. Bošnjačka zajednica culture. Sarajevo.
Karahasan, Dzevad (1994) Sarajevo, Exodus of a City. New York. Kodansha.
Klaić, Nada (1989) Srednjovjekovna Bosna: Politicki Polozaj Bosanskih Vladara do Tvrtkove Krunidbe, 1377.g. Grafički zavod Hrvatske.
Kirsch, Jonathan. Turning a Blind Eye to Genocide in Bosnia. Los Angeles. Los Angeles Times (review)
Kurspahic, Kemal (1997) As Long As Sarajevo Exists. Stony Creek. The Pamphleteer’s Press.
Malcolm, Noel (1994) Bosnia:A Short History. London. Macmillan.
Norris, Harry, T. (1993) Islam in the Balkans: Religion and Society between Europe and the Arab World. Columbia.
Pinson, Mark (ed.) (1993): The Muslims of Bosnia-Herzegovina: Their Historic Development from the Middle Ages to the Dissolution of Yugoslavia. Cambridge. Harvard University Press.
Purivatra, Atif (1970) Nacionalni i Politicki Razvitak Muslimana [Muslims: Their National and Political Development]. Sarajevo. Svjetlost.
Rieff, David (1995) Slaughterhouse: Bosnia and the Failure of the West. New York. Simon and Schuster.
Stiglmayer, Alexandra (1994) Mass Rape – The War Against Women in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Lincoln. University of Nebraska Press.
War Crimes in Bosnia and Herzegovina – Volume I and II. Helsinki Watch.

What happened to works of Ivo Andric after his death was a game of unforeseen world events in which a man feels powerless.  Similar fate share the Balkan nations who dream about freedom in blood and war, only to find themselves in a post-war future created by the world powers based on their own interests.  Despite our thinking that we can categorize everything and rationalize it within a standard frame of mind, there still loom some things which escape our ‘objective’ explanations and irreversibly slip out of our reach.  This naïveté of rationalism share historians, political science majors, anthropologists, and traditional philosophers.  In this despair, the European modernism hit a wall that resulted in a nightmare because of its lack of certainty.  A renowned author, Ivo Andric, Bosnian native, could have not ever imagined that he would be used as a tool for the Serbian extremist set on decimating the ‘hated’ Turks as a revenge for some ancient battle from 1389 on their path toward expanding the Greater Serbia and setting the pillars of the [Grand] Serbian myth.  If his literary works are used for reaching political goals that include occupation and war crimes then it is a violent crime against our Nobel laureate.  Proponents of such literary interpretation of Andric’s work are coercing his legacy into becoming part of the Grand Serbian ideology.  His literary prose is treated as a set in stone scientific fact.  In this Grand Serbian fable, Andric is an archetype mace man, a part of the Kosovo myth, a hero who crushes the opponents and is elevated to the Serbian saints’ heaven where Duke Lazar is awaiting him so they can toast with a chalice of red wine.  Of course, from moment to moment, this skewed picture clouds the historical facts.

Politicizing art did not start with Grand Serbian objectification of Andric’s work in which the ‘great interpreters of literature’ found the arguments for their own religious, ethnic and nationalistic projects.  In the Balkans, for a nation to remain timeless, and this includes the notion of the nation, i.e. people or ethnic group that is trying to carve its own piece of the territory, as timeless and ever present or, as Maria Todorova would say, the approach to identifying nation as something organic and lasting since ancient times – it is necessary to sacrifice, kill, wage war, wage so-called holy wars and engage in acts of vengeance to be able to transcend from this mortal world into the Kingdom of Truth that lies beyond.  Thus, nationalism is a form of religious consciousness.  Nationalism, on the other hand, as ‘God of Modernism’ in the Balkan hall-in-the-wall, abuses without exceptions, everything that falls into its hands.  It reminds of a bum who stumbles into a real life play and in an arrogant and irresponsible way causes general dismay.  Nowhere else is that spirit of nationalistic exclusion, it seems, as merciless and barbaric as it is here.  Andric becomes its collateral damage!  He never suspected that one day he will be dragged into the mud of the Balkan village personifying the Grand Serbian idea as the most gruesome manifestation of a cultural identity loss.

Social and cultural-historical context of a crime against Bosniaks from the 90′s must include the core elements of the nation aggressor and the nation victim (defender) (according to Esad Cimic).  Within the Serbian nation, it is clear where the domination of religion over culture will inadvertently lead.  Jacob Burckhardt addresses this issue from the philosophical standpoint in his work Weltgeschichtliche Betrachtungen (Observations in the World History). He states that any religion, if left unchecked, would force the state and the culture to serve it wholly and unconditionally.  As Cimic observes in his book Iskusenja zajednistva (Temptations of Collectiveness) when it comes to Grand Serbian barbarism and Holly Serbian faith, one can discuss the condensed content that has morphed into “a primitive mentality and crumbled itself into a religious form that is totally subjugated to Holly Serbian faith.”  On this premise, the Orthodox faith had in the Serbian nation transformed into Holly Serbian faith, and it has become an unarticulated and rigid ideology that has lost its religious tenant such as love for God.  Hate and longing for revenge have replaced love.  According to Cimic, among those individuals who have succumbed to Holly Serbian faith and tradition, a yearning is festering, a yearning “to expand through murder, conquests, destruction and rape.”  Grand Serbian ideology champions never wanted to understand the reasons why one of the old Europeans nations, Bosniaks, could embrace Islam and remain faithful to their religion.  The act itself was considered treason by the Grand Serb demagogues and started the seed of the eternal hate, Njegos-like hate in which “the earth reeks of Muhammad.” Here starts the great evil and the identification of the enemy.  This enemy is identified as Muslims or Bosniaks.  Complaint against them is that as one of Slavic peoples, they betrayed the “faith of their forefathers.”  Hasan, one of the characters in Mehmed Mesa Selimovic’s book Dervis i smrt (The Dervish and Death), says that Muslims/Bosniaks are the most complicated people, that they are stuck half-way through, baffled, not able to go anywhere, detached, embarrassed about their heritage and feeling guilty about their betrayal, that they refuse to look back and have no place to move forward to.  This is a literary expose of a nation confronted with their enemy’s hostile ideology that tried to “nationalize” them as peoples during the 20^th century.  Selimovic, actually, is trying to artistically depict that unsettling feeling, that horrible experience of Muslims/Bosniaks carrying the fear of threatened existence facing preannounced crimes.  Grand Serbian depiction of the Turks/Muslims in general, and Serbian focus on the Kosovo myth have become the biggest stumbling block and hurdle to normal life on the territory of ex-Yugoslavia.  However, Albanians have their Kosovo myth as well.  Ana di Lelio talks about it in her book Kosovska bitka u albanskom mitu (Kosovo battle in the Albanian myth).  Kosovo myth is a pretext of action and nothing else has etched its influence into people like this one myth.  In Angelina Jolie’s movie U zemlji krvi i meda (In the Land of blood and honey) the role of the protector of this Kosovo myth is carried out by general Vuckovic (actor Rade Sherbegia).  Just within ten or so movie lines, the whole premise of the Kosovo myth folds like a house of cards.  This fall happens in front of his eyes.  It becomes crime – Kosovo myth is a doctored image.  Grand Serbian “heroic campaign” started as a war against civilians who are killed in a gruesome ways or banished from their homes, rounded up in concentration camps and dehumanized.  The whole Holly Serbian – Kosovo myth is confined to damnation of its own dehumanization and dehumanization of others – Bosnians/Bosniaks, Muslims – its core existence is summarized in revenge against someone who personifies the Time of the Turks in Grand Serbian sub consciousness.

Grand Serbian focus on ethnicity comes from an internal feeling of being irrelevant and neglected, i.e. from the grand ethos about the “national question” that the Serbian nation has not resolved yet in an appropriate way.  And how should the question be resolved?  In a simple way: kill, slaughter, and engage in ethnic cleansing of those areas and those people who happen to be within the imposed and pre-drawn borders of “Grand Serbian territories.”  Angelina Jolie demonstrates that she started her cinematographic work well prepared.  Her movie story is a reflection of her very careful study of these territories.  The film industry demands professionalism, even though we might look from the side lines and think it’s an easy and funny game.  What makes the Serbian groups from the Balkans furious about her work is the truth, the accuracy of her story, i.e. the fact that Jolie knows what she’s talking about, that she knows what happened in Bosnia: who was the rapist and for what reasons.  This is the reason for the Grand Serbian revolt.  Jolie managed to avoid transforming the story of Bosnia into Hollywood commercialism.  One cannot claim that this story is not important tale about crime and hope.  Barbarians depicted in this film are disturbed by it – this movie is an art piece, a narrative about a gruesome manifestation of rape as a part of a Grand Serbian scheme and war strategy.  A part of the project to annihilate Bosniaks and to destroy the Bosnian state.

Many rape victims found strength and spoke up about this terrible crime of rape.  We must not forget about Karaman house in Miljevina and dozens of other places where women were abused in Bosnian towns of Foca, Visegrad, Rogatica, Vlasenica, Srebrenica, Prijedor, Sarajevo…  The character in movie Grbavica Jasmila Zbanic, played skillfully by Mirjana Karanovic, opened the discussion about this aching Bosnian wound and put it in the open on the movie screen.  And then entered famous Angelina Jolie as a director and screen play writer, and she showed that she understood the center of the Bosnian tragedy – women were raped by their first door neighbors, individuals they knew, individuals who till just few days ago lived with them in the same city, village, on the same street, in the same building.  These familiar individuals started to kill, pillage and rape in the name of a nation and the notion of Greater Serbia.  These neighbors became war criminals.  An example to illustrate this is the case of the teacher Marko Samardzija who in July of 1992 killed his own students in a school in Biljani near Sanski Most.  The henchman knew his victims.  It is a gruesome revelation that takes our breath away.  These legionnaires of evil have demonstrated how easy it is for them to turn into a monster, a killer, a rapist, a bully, a criminal, without being able to conceal the pathetic coward deep down inside.

Angelina Jolie reveals the shortcomings of a culture that represents the danger and evil for others in its pursuit of the Grand Serbian ideology and for this reason this culture must be dealt with in an appropriate and serious manner.  Grand Serbian culture has become a machinery for killing of others and those who are different.  Here, we spot the intentions of Radomir Konstantinovic’s criticism of “Palanacka consciousness.”  Before we even start talking about this “Palanacka arrogance” that is stuck between the tribal and civilized, we have to bring into play the thread of Kant’s critique of the cognition (“pure reason”) and Cassirer’s change of this into a critique of a culture with distinct forms of spirit through which a man as animal symbolicum reconstructs and reinterprets the world and the sense of it.  Angelina Jolie, following her own symbolism, believes that love and justice should reign the world.  This is the message that she wants to resonate in today’s murky waters of our superficial culture of forgetfulness.  This movie can help the traumatized Bosniak being heal its wounds in its post-genocidal existence.  In an instance, this movie unfroze the Bosnian mind and dispelled the informational blockade about war crime perpetrators and genocide in Bosnia carried out by the Grand Serbian advocates and Serbia right in front of the USA, UN, and EU.  The truth about Bosnia has been concealed since 1995, since the Dayton Peace Accord that gave the aggressor everything that was conquered militarily.   Richard Holbrooke admitted that he made a mistake allowing for the name of RS and allowing the existing internal administrative set up of Bosnia and Herzegovina.  This movie must be taken seriously because it draws attention to a huge Bosnian plight and human tragedy.  The palette of the interpretations has to be wide: from vocational-specialized to philosophical-esthetic approach.  These do not have to “be congruent” along any political or ethno-organic lines.  The human trauma must not be misused and taken advantage of especially not by the Bosniaks.  This would equal to the closing of the Bosnian mind, i.e. to the reduction of the dialogue to the political or clerical narrative that prescribes “the possibility of awareness and its limitations.”  The Bosnian tragedy is a universal one, a tragedy of the modern human society.

What did Angelina Jolie do?  She spoke about the horrific drama of rape victims, about the most aching wound of a human being: the possibility of being desecrated and destroyed.  The damaged sanctity of a human being, a raped Bosnian woman, disturbs the idyllic horizon of the modern society, regardless what UN, Europe, and great modern powers were waiting for while the Serbian army was trying to “finish the job” in the tranquility of the Balkan hills.  All of them knew what was going on and that makes them responsible.  All of the political characters such as Boutrous B. Ghali, Yasushi Akashi, Philippe Morillone, Cyrus Vance, David Owen and dozens of others.  Rape victims, the end chapter of the Bosnian genocide in Srebrenica, negation of crimes, negation of the Bosnian nationhood, the destruction attempts aimed at the Bosnian state or child killing during Sarajevo siege, all of these are testimonials about the moral decay of our modern human society.  Grand Serbian barbarism could had been stopped in just a few days – that is clear today – just look at Kosovo in 1999.  The sense of betrayal brings forward feelings of disgust.  The hardest thing is to preserve the human way of thinking about the situation that we are in.  It is clear now why Bosniaks feel betrayed by the international community that was supposed to protect them, and instead it prevented Bosniaks from being able to defend themselves by enforcing an arms embargo against them.  Someone sentenced Bosniaks to death!  This is the terrible realization that Bosniaks carry on their shoulders today.

The logical absolutism is disavowed in its pathological state, the notion about order or the scientific necessity to classify extraordinary (acts) in a universal class or in its order.  It seems it’s not enough to examine these terrible societal events, such as rape of women and murder of people in concentration camps, in a scientific way, and state one’s opinion and explanation of those.  Reducing genocide to mere statistics desecrates its victims in a new way.  We know that a plight of a Bosnian woman is indeed plight of a woman or universal suffering of any woman.  New “methods” of spirit are emerging or new human creativity is enabling us to not depict the world, but instead construct meanings in this new world.  Philosophical-esthetic dimension of the movie does not allow the mind to remain at its sublevel in the ashes of the previous existence of denial.  The movie does not represent a clear reality; instead it forms an art piece with symbolic capacity that we as human beings are understanding and interpreting.  Movie is an art contraption of a world in which we recognize meanings – the movie’s intent is not to prove crime. Thus, the movie is not a tribunal or a judicial institution, it is instead an artistic craft par excellence.

Ethnocentrism and Grand Serbian disease have metastasized and we all are living in hell here in Bosnia.  Bosniaks do not have justice and the rule of law, and Grand Serbian monster does not have liability and any sense of responsibility for crimes committed.  This cannot lead to any good.  For no one!  Angelina Jolie understands this.  She had the courage to talk about it though.  So, in this way, Bosnia is again the talk of the global media, through the world of film and art, in connection with the terrible crime committed by the Serbian forces who systematically raped Bosnian women.  For this reason, Jolie’s movie is being dragged through the dark hallways of the Grand Serbian ideology fortress that keeps the Balkan horrified imprisoned.  The Serb extremists misrepresent the movie by saying it condemns the whole nation.  The movie however, talks about a particular “method” of degradation of human beings within the scope of a bellicose project that was supported by the intellectuals, clergy, politicians, and common people: elite, demagogues, organizers and executors.

Grand Serbian monster had a plan to destroy Bosnia and Bosniaks.  It started with armed aggression and crimes, and it continues with tries to quell any talk about destruction efforts, crimes of genocide and reasons for it; there is an effort to conceal the main ideology creators, commanders and killers, and to change historical facts.  So, when the truth fades and justice is not served, a new crimes is created.  The whole perversion is complete when all those are taken into consideration who in Bosnia and abroad have tried to stop Angelina Jolie from making a movie about Bosnian woman’s fate, a person who is humiliated by aggressor’s soldiers.  Using deceit this opposing force concealed its low motives and denied any possibility of understanding, so we did not know why they opposed this film or what they even knew about it, without knowing what was going on behind the scenes and on the set itself.  The movie crew though went to Hungary and made the movie using some of the Bosnian cast.

In the end, Angelina Jolie’s movie In the Land of Blood and Honey must be protected from the superficial journalistic analysis infused by the clerical and political influence that suffocates communication and the open mind.

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O autoru:

Prof. Dr. Senadin Lavić is the president of the Bosnian Cultural Association “Renaissance” in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina
Commission on Human Rights at the Constitutional Court of BiH
Reisa Dž.Čauševića 6, 71000 Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina

Honorable members of the Constitutional Court and members of the Commission on Human Rights,

We are writing to you, representatives of the institutions whose primary function is to protect the human rights and dignity of citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and regarding the recent vote on the Census legislation from which the Article 48 was deleted. As I am sure you are aware this Article anticipated that the results of the ethnic structure of population from Census of 1991 would apply during the formation of government until the full implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Peace Agreement, or until the return of refugees and displaced persons to their homes.

We would like to take this opportunity to remind that the Census without the Article 48 would entail strict offense to the basic human rights as explained in the European Convention on Human Rights on the Return of Refugees to their homes in dignity, freedom, equality, peace, justice, tolerance, and reconciliation, This is the basis needed to create peaceful relations within a pluralist society. Also, under the Article II of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the European Convention on Human Rights and fundamental freedoms in the Convention are the basic principles of the Constitution and as such have even higher priority over other laws. Relying on these principles, we would like to point out the obvious contradiction, not only in regards to the very structure of the ‘Dayton Bosnia’, where the creation of the entities creates the inequality among citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also the defective implementation of this Agreement, primarily of the Annex 7 which specifies the appropriate circumstances for the return of refugees and displaced persons in the accordance with the European Convention on Human rights.

Annex 7 is not implemented due to lack of certain conditions for return. Bosniaks and other citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot return to their homes in the smaller [Serb-controlled] entity because they have to deal with the daily humiliation and attack on their dignity to live as citizens of a lower rank, and who are constantly humiliated and discriminated against by the institutions whose symbols represent only one ethnic group. Furthermore, returnees conditions for socio-economic equality in society where they are not adequately represented in the political system of the smaller entity. To return, Bosniaks and other citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina who were forcibly exiled require absolute confidence in peace, security and respect for basic human rights. The conditions for peace and security are threatened, and there still exist occasional physical attacks on Bosniaks, their property and religious buildings. Among the main obstacles to justice and reconciliation is the denial of genocide and crimes against Bosniaks as additional deterrent for the returnees. Such an attitude towards the war events created difficult conditions for the safe return of Bosniaks to their homes and reconciliation and coexistence with its neighbors, which is required in the European Convention and in Annex 7 of the Dayton Accords.

Due to these facts about the severe shortcomings of normal conditions for the return of refugees, Annex 7 could not be conducted without being in violation of the Dayton agreement and the Bosnian Constitution, which was established in Annex 4 of this Agreement. Accordingly, we deem it necessary to officially investigate the following questions:

1. The legality and compliance of the law on the census without the article 48 which refers to the implementation of Annex 7 as a prerequisite for the census.

 2. The legality of the implementation of Annex 7 of Dayton agreement as a prerequisite for basic human rights of citizens in non Serbian small entities.

On behalf of the victims of genocide and expelled Bosniaks in Diaspora and the homeland, we hope you will carefully consider our request in accordance with democratic priorities and beliefs that you represent.

Sincerely,

Haris Alibasic, MPA, President of the Congress of North American Bosniaks

Prof. Emir Ramic, Chairman of the Institute for Research of Genocide, Canada

Prof. Dr. Muris Osmanagic, On behalf of the Open Panel of Intellectuals for Constitutional Reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Our protest is based on the following facts:

1. In accordance with the great project of Greater Serbia (“all Serbs in one State “), Serbia and Montenegro carried out military aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in the occupied territories of the internationally recognized Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina committed the crime of genocide against Bosniak population.

2. The aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and genocide against Bosniaks are the essence of the joint criminal enterprise conducted in the 90′s by Serbia and Montenegro.

3. The intent of these genocidal acts, based on Greater Serbia project, was to occupy the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and to attempt the extermination of Bosniaks, or their reduction to insignificant ethnic group.

4. The aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and genocide against Bosniaks were planned by Serbia and Montenegro, and ordered from the respective political and military position and executed as planned, in a systematic and organized fashion.

5. The International War Crimes Tribunal (ICTY) found that:
Slobodan Milosevic “was a participant in a joint criminal enterprise, which included the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose goal and intentions were to destroy in part the Bosnian Muslims as a group “(ICTY, Prosecutor v. Slobodan Milosevic). Serbia was convicted by the International Court of Justice for not preventing genocide in Srebrenica in 1995. Serbia still has not gone through the process of dealing with crimes and responsibility from the past. Serbia still openly denies that genocide took place, a fact that was confirmed by the decisions of the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia, International Court of Justice and several national courts.

6. Collaborators of the aggression, authorities and officials of a smaller entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina under the direct management, organization, command, participation and support of the state of Serbia and Montenegro occupied territory of the Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina and participated in genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes against Bosniak population.

7. A smaller entity in Bosnia, Republika Srpska, led by Radovan Karadzic, Momcilo Krajisnik, Biljana Plavsic and other war criminals was a direct result of aggression and genocide.

These are historical facts, proven by the scientific research institutions around the world, deeply etched in the minds of victims of aggression and genocide. Based on this information only, we consider it unacceptable and morally and politically harmful to the United Nations to allow the country responsible for the gravest crimes committed in the 90′s, guilty of starting four wars in the Balkans to be nominated for the position of the Chairman of the General UN Assembly.

Respectfully,

Haris Alibasic, MPA
President of the Congress of North American Bosniaks

Professor Emir Ramic
Director of the Canadian Institute for research of Genocide

On behalf of Bosniaks in North America, Australia, and the victims of genocide and ethnic cleansing we are writing to you as the ultimate authority accountable for the implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement to prevent the legislative violations of human rights of Bosniaks in Diaspora regarding the census of population and property taxation in the smaller smaller entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB), Institute for Research of Genocide Canada (IRGC), Bosnian American Institute for Genocide and Education (BAGI)  and the Australian Council of B&H Organizations (ACBHO) strongly condemn the adoption of an amendment to remove article 48 of the proposed law on census of population and households, in B&H by the Joint Commission for Economic reform and Development of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Article 48 contained the important condition that the results of the ethnic structure of the population census of 1990 years be used in the formation of government until the full implementation of the Annex VII of the Dayton Peace Agreement, or until the completion of the return of refugees and displaced persons. This act represents a de facto legalization of the campaign of ethnic cleansing and genocide that was committed against Bosniaks between 1992 and 1995. Annex VII of the Dayton agreement is still largely ignored by politicians in B&H and the international community, including the Office of the High Representative (OHR), which marks the destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the violation of basic human rights of returnees.

Mr. Inzko, we request from your office concrete steps to prevent the removal of article 48. Continued obstruction of Annex VII by the RS representatives lacks basic security and economic conditions for the return of Bosniaks to their estates in the Republic of Serbia which further means that the Dayton agreement is broken and the census, households and housing in Bosnia and Herzegovina can’t be implemented.

In this case, we ask you to protect the rights of displaced B&H citizens, from the actions of the representatives of the RS and the Bosniak representatives in Parliament, which due to petty political interests, compromised the return of displaced Bosniaks in the RS and their human rights in the territory of B&H. Removal of Article 48 reminds us of the war period when the victims of the genocide and aggression when Serbian troops forced the Bosniaks to forfeit property. The aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina continues by political methods, while the representatives of the Bosniaks in BiH knowingly waive Bosniaks and Bosniak assets in the RS in favor of their political positions in the Federation.

We also ask from your Office to stop the anti-Dayton actions by the RS representatives regarding property taxation of Bosniaks in RS. The RS authorities used the current situation in which there is no common law on the entire territory of B&H on the taxation of property. They are abusing the legal and abusing this legal provision by not using the same tax rate for people living in the territory of small entities and for those individuals who have assets in the RS reside outside of the entity. Taking into account the geographical distance of the displaced Bosniaks in Diaspora, and the culture of bribery and corruption among the officials, the legal owners of property in the RS are victims of a fait accompli that prevents them from holding onto their property, which had already once been abducted during the aggression and genocide during the 1990s.

This political administrative method of completing the genocide is only possible because B&H and its state institutions do not have the proper authority in the smaller entity, and the leaders of the same consistently obstruct their work to prevent the state and all other bodies from establishing the normal functioning of the executive authorities with the aim of Euro-Atlantic integration in the NATO and the EU.

Because of political stagnation and incompetence of Bosniak politicians in B&H, the only hope for displaced Bosniaks is the Office of the High Representative, which has unfortunately been weakened over the last few years due to lack of international involvement and support. We ask you to stop this aggression against the expelled Bosniaks and to take all the steps, including the Bonn Powers, to prevent further aggression and ethnic cleansing of Bosniaks in the RS.

Respectfully,

Haris Alibašić, CNAB President
Emir Ramić, IRGC Chairman
Sanja Drnovšek, BAGI Chairman
Senada Softić-Telalović, ACBHO President

Dear Madam Secretary Clinton,

The Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB), an umbrella organization advocating on behalf of  Bosniaks in the United States and Canada, is very encouraged by your December 13, 2011 meeting with  His Excellency Zeljko Komsic, Chairman of the Bosnia and Herzegovina Presidency. Bosniak Americans and Bosniak Canadians are closely following the U.S. involvement in Bosnia and Herzegovina and continue to hope for a more active U.S. role in supporting democratic and constitutional reforms that are much needed for Euro-Atlantic integration. More recent news on the formation of the central government in Bosnia and Herzegovina may be viewed in the same light, and is in part a direct result of the United States government involvement in the process. It took the ruling parties grueling 14 months to negotiate and form the new government because of the opposition of the same destructive forces who are constantly diverging Bosnia and Herzegovina from its path to a better future. CNAB warned of the destructive policies of Milorad Dodik, and his nationalist and radical agenda aimed at destroying Bosnia and Herzegovina’s state institutions. In a recent interview to a Bosnian daily newspaper, the U.S. Ambassador Patrick Moon expressed his disappointment at Mr. Dodik’s destructive behavior and his  nationalist policies.

Bosnia and Herzegovina can only move forward with strong central government institutions and without populist nationalists leading the country into the policies of the past. CNAB representatives raised this very point at the meeting with Chairman Komsic in Washington D.C., on December 13, 2011. Among other issues discussed at the meeting was the need for comprehensive reforms including the need to revise Bosnia and Herzegovina’s constitution based on equal rights of all Bosnian citizens regardless of ethnicity or religious affiliation. The Constitution of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina represents a great starting point for these reforms. These reforms are needed if Bosnia and Herzegovina is to successfully integrate into NATO and European Union. NATO membership for Bosnia and Herzegovina would be mutually beneficial as it would increase stability in the region and ensure Bosnia and Herzegovina’s path to EU membership and bring about long-term prosperity and peace. These are the same goals that you have so poignantly articulated in your public statement with President Komsic.

Bosnia-Herzegovina looks to the United States for leadership to bring about these changes. The United States has previously shown strong leadership in the past; it was the American direct advocacy and engagement of President Clinton’s administration that stopped Serbian atrocities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and brokered the Dayton peace accords. For this, we are grateful but more must be done to ensure long term peace and stability. It is absolutely necessary for the United States to take a more forceful role to help reduce external and internal threats to Bosnia and Herzegovina’s independence and sovereignty. Constant inflammatory secessionist rhetoric from Bosnian Serb political leadership, constant legislative gridlock, and the undermined role of the Office of the High Representative are only some of the issues where the United States should take a lead to find the long term solutions.. We believe that it is also in vital United States interest that Bosnia and Herzegovina continues on the path to NATO and Europe, which would have a direct impact on long lasting stability in the entire region of southeast Europe.

Despite political challenges, Bosnia and Herzegovina has continually demonstrated that it is a key ally and friend with the US. This is evidenced with the fact that Bosnia-Herzegovina was one of the first  countries to sign the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) with the United States; it cooperated with the United States on matters of security, counterterrorism, as well as prevention of drug and human trafficking. Bosnia and Herzegovina has also been a key partner with the NATO forces, in the United Nations Security Council, actively participating in missions in Afghanistan and Iraq, and Bosnian forensic experts helped US officials identify 9/11 victims, just to name few examples.

Dear Madam Secretary, please provide the leadership needed to help Bosnia-Herzegovina continue on the right path towards democracy, peace, stability, and successful integration into NATO and the European Union. CNAB stands ready to assist you with these efforts.

Respectfully,

Haris Alibasic, MPA
President of the Congress of North American Bosniaks

The Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB) welcomes the decision by the French government to not carry out the arrest mandate issued by the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) for the arrest of the journalist Florence Hartmann, a former spokesperson for the prosecutor at the Hague..   For more than two years, CNAB has written to ICTY demanding that the charges against the French journalist be dropped because it unjustly punished Florence Hartmann for publishing the truth about behind-the-scenes dealings involving ICTY and the Serbian government. 

In her book “Peace and Punishment”, Hartmann wrote about the existence of secret documents, which was already in the realm of public knowledge,  linking the Serbian government with atrocities committed in Bosnia, and secret agreements between the Hague tribunal and the Serbian government at the expense of Bosnia and Herzegovina. For this, she was found “guilty” of telling the truth and sentenced to a monetary fine that was converted into days in jail.

CNAB agrees with the French government in asserting that the Hague Tribunal should focus on doing its job by investigating and prosecuting the war criminals, especially the need for swift justice in the cases against war criminals Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, the leaders of the Bosnian Serbs during the war and aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina.  ICTY should not be wasting time and resources prosecuting those who tell the truth.

Lastly, we demand once again of the United Nations to issue an investigation into the illegal agreement signed with Serbia which denied the justice for Bosnia and Herzegovina. Without justice, there can be no peace and reconciliation in the region. This is evidenced by a continuous ethnic turmoil in the country which threatens the stability of the entire region. This turmoil is also a byproduct of injustice and lack of accountability of Serbia and Montenegro for its policies of aggression in the 1990s.

On behalf of CNAB,

Kemal Hamulic, spokesperson

In a very productive and useful meeting, the parties discussed the issues concerning Bosnia and Herzegovina citizens in the United States and Canada, particularly issues regarding dual citizenship, concerns about property ownership of the diaspora  in the smaller entity of BiH, voter registration process and the need for work tenure transferability between  Bosnia and Herzegovina and United States and Canada.  Another topic of discussion was the current political stalemate in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the neeed for greater involvement of Bosnia and Herzegovina in supporting lobbying activities in the United States and Canada, cooperation with the State Department, the role of BiH in the U.N. Security Council, and the importance of NATO membership for Bosnia and Herzegovina.  CNAB also raised concerns about the lack of a unified educational system in certain parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

CNAB President, Mr. Alibasic highlighted the importance of activities of the Congress of North American Bosniaks, and the need to expand the membership of the United States Congressional Caucus on Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the Canadian Parliamentary BiH Friendship Group.  He also mentioned the importance of supporting Bosniak American Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina because of their presence in DC.

President Komsic praised the activities and engagement of the Congress of North American Bosniaks, emphasizing that CNAB works “systematically and through personal involvement” to promote the interests of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the states and communities in which they live. President Komsic also added that “all of Bosnia and Herzegovina can benefit greatly from the activities of the Congress of North American Bosniaks.”. He also expressed desire for further cooperation between institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Congress of North American Bosniaks, along with the Bosniak American Advisory Council and the World Diaspora Association

 Mr. Semir Djulic informed president Komsic of activities surrounding the new Bosnian community center in Atlanta, GA. 

 Vice President, Mr. Custovic emphasized that Bosnia and Herzegovina needs to make more progress in the action plan for NATO membership.

 President Komsic stressed that NATO membership is one of the main priorities for Bosnia and Herzegovina.

 CNAB president, Mr. Alibasic thanked President Komsic for his support and presented him with the recent Grand Rapids proclamation regarding Bosnia and Herzegovina Statehood day and invited him to visit the cities of Grand Rapids, Charlotte, Atlanta, and other cities with significant presence of Bosnia and Herzegovina citizens.

On behalf of CNAB,

Kemal Hamulic, spokesperson

“This is the first ever liaison officer assigned to a state,” said Army National Guard Maj. Matthew DiNenna, the SPP director for Maryland. “This is a benefit for the Guard.”

Lt. Col. Dzevad Buric is the Bosnia-Herzegovina liaison to the state of Maryland, as well as the assistant BiH Defense, Military, Naval and Air attaché to the United States.

Other state programs are beginning to see the benefit of the position.

DiNenna said other SPP directors have contacted him to obtain information on how they may be able to have liaisons for their programs as well.

Buric’s position is currently a three-year tour where he works as the advisor on BiH issues to Army Maj. Gen. James Adkins, the adjutant general of Maryland. His position as the liaison officer is also to build closer ties between Maryland public and private institutions with their counterparts in BiH such as areas in education, economic opportunities and health care. He coordinates policies and procedures between the Maryland National Guard and the BiH armed forces and the annual schedule of joint training events between the two services. Additionally, Buric provides knowledge and advice on BiH practices.

“There is no higher symbol for our partnership than to provide an officer position for Bosnia to sit on our staff,” Adkins said. “I can’t emphasize enough the importance of relationships we’ve built on a long-term basis. There is nothing more important than establishing relationships promising peace and democracy between the nations.”

DiNenna said that because of Buric’s background, he was the ideal candidate for the liaison position because he had previously worked with the Ministry of Defense coordinating with the joint staff and the International Corporation Department.

“He was the most qualified person to help push the program forward,” DiNenna said.

Buric is essential to the SPP because he is a subject matter expert on BiH, he added.  Buric knows contacts in his home country that can be used to answer any questions, he understands the rank structure of the BiH armed forces and government, and he is able to better prepare the Travel Contact Teams on what they need to know before traveling to BiH.

While the Maryland National Guard is seeing many advantages from Buric’s position as the liaison for the program, the BiH armed forces is also benefiting from the partnership between Maryland and the country.
 
“From our perspective, we see this partnership as a way to bring us closer to NATO standards,” Buric said. “The skill sets that your Soldiers have, they transfer to our Soldiers, and our Soldiers also transfer some of our skills for your Soldiers to learn.”

Depending on the mission, BiH armed forces may come to Maryland, or Marylanders will visit BiH to learn different skills from each other.

Recently, members of the Maryland National Guard traveled to BiH for a Senior Leader Visit, a Flight Safety Assessment and Accident Investigation training, and to assist with developing post-deployment reintegration programs. 

Currently members of the BiH armed forces are scheduled to come to visit Maryland throughout the summer to attend various Maryland National Guard annual trainings to receive training on their respective functional areas.

While the main focus of the SPP is military-to-military events, Buric added that they are looking to expand to more civilian-to-military events, as well as civilian-to-civilian activities.  This is another benefit that the liaison position brings to Maryland, being able link the additional elements together, as the SPP is not authorized to work outside the military-to-military relationships.

The SPP was launched in Europe as part of the initial outreach by the United States to new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. The SPP brings together U.S. states and territories with partner nations through a range of military, civil-military and civil activities under the Maryland Military Department auspices.

The Maryland Military Department has another partnership with Estonia that has been in place since 1993.

Source: Maryland National Guard News

CNABC is pleased to inform you that we are now working with the Bosnian diaspora in Canada to encourage all Members of Canadian Parliament to join the CBiHPF Group.  The CBiHPF Group will be a powerful force for the good of Canada and Bosnia and Herzegovina. It aims to strengthen bilateral relations between the two countries, direct attention to the needs of Bosnian – Canadians, and present the values of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Canadian society.

The Group’s Executive currently consists of five Parliamentarians and longstanding friends of Bosnia and Herzegovina:

Chair:  MP Dave MacKenzie

Vice Chair:  MP Brian Masse

Vice Chair:  MP Bernard Trottier

Executive Member:  MP Nina Grewal

Executive Member:  Senator Raynell Andreychuk

In addition, close to 30 Parliamentarians have confirmed their membership in the Group, and this number is growing.

We are encouraging voting citizens who support a democratic and prosperous Bosnia and Herzegovina to be proactive on this issue by contacting their Member of Parliament and asking them to join the CBiHPF Group. We hope that the Bosnian diaspora in Canada will now actively engage in the Group’s activities.

For more information, please visit: www.bosniak.org/

How do I get my Member of Parliament to join the CBiHPF Group?

1.           First you need to find out who is your Member of Parliament. You may find this information on the Parliament of Canada website at: www.parl.gc.ca/Default.aspx?Language=E

2.           Contact your local Member’s Constituency Office by e-mail, mail, telephone or fax, and ask them to join the Group.

3.           Follow up. You must remember to be persistent. It does not hurt to follow up.

Sample letter for your use:

(Date)

Mr. / Mrs. (full name)

(address of your Member of Parliament)

Dear MP (surname of member),

My name is (your name and surname) and as your constituent from (your place of residence), I am writing to ask you to join the newly formed Canada – Bosnia and Herzegovina Parliamentary Friendship Group (CBiHPF Group). Joining this Group will help demonstrate that you deeply care about issues important to your Bosnian-Canadian voters. Today, there are more than 50.000 Bosnian–Canadians living in Canada, and as you know, many of those live in your riding.

In recent years, the Government of Canada has played an integral role in the promotion of good governance, peace keeping, as well as the strengthening of state-level institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. With your support and membership in the CBiHPF Group we can continue to build stronger bilateral relations between Canada and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and further assist Bosnia and Herzegovina as it continues to mature and prosper.

The Group’s Executive currently consists of five Parliamentarians and longstanding friends of Bosnia and Herzegovina:

Chair: MP Dave MacKenzie

Vice Chair: MP Brian Masse

Vice Chair: MP Bernard Trottier

Executive Member: MP Nina Grewal

Executive Member: Senator Raynell Andreychuk

In addition, close to 30 Parliamentarians have confirmed their membership in the Group, and this number is growing.

Should you have any questions on how to become a member of the Canada-Bosnia and Herzegovina Parliamentary Friendship Group please have your staff contact the CBiHPF Group directly at cbihpfg@gmail.com .

I sincerely hope you will join this bipartisan Group as a committed supporter of a free, democratic, and sovereign Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as of your local Bosnian-Canadian community.

Thank you in advance for joining the Canada – Bosnia and Herzegovina Parliamentary Friendship Group.

Sincerely,

(your full name)

(your signature)

(your address of residence)

Contact the CNABC

Phone:     905 385 3606 (Canadian office)
Website:  http://www.bosniak.org/

Email: cnab.canada@bosniak.org

Write to CNABC
7. Southside Place, #6, Hamilton, Ontario, L9C 6W7, Canada

“I must admit that I find it difficult to use the word genocide, which conjures up images of the Holocaust. ” (read the full post here)

While we never questioned Mr. Dobbs’ acceptance of the occurrence  of these crimes against Bosniaks, we did express concerns about his hesitation to use the  term “genocide. Most of Mr. Dobbs’ reporting regarding the Srebrenica genocide is highly commendable (just read his latest post slamming the pro-Serb genocide denier  “Srebenica historical project).  However,  using incorrect terminology such as “massacre” is very damaging to the victims of genocide because it fails to portray the full intent of the Serb army to annihilate the population of this enclave.

In today’s blog response, Mr. Dobbs clarified his position that he agrees with the classification of Srebrenica genocide by the courts stating:

“While I do not agree with all the opinions handed down by the Yugoslav War Crimes Tribunal, I agree with the conclusion of the judges that the Srebrenica massacre met the legal definition of “genocide,” as defined by the United Nations Convention. ” you can read the full blog post here .

We appreciate Mr. Dobbs clarifying his position on genocide and we urge him to be more consistent in his use of the word  (instead of “massacre”) when describing the horrific genocide against Bosniaks in July 1995 in Srebrenica.  While to some it may appear insignificant, from an international law perspective it has significant implications on preserving the truth about the agression on Bosnia and Herzegovina, genocide against Bosniaks. Furthermore, there can be no peace or reconciliation in the region without full acceptance of responsibility for these actions.

Hamdija Custovic

CNAB Spokesperson

The Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB), an umbrella organization representing the interests of American and Canadian Bosniaks, welcomes the recent report submitted to the United Nations on November 15, 2011 by the High Representative, Mr. Valentin Inzko.

Mr. Inzko rightly points out that that smaller of two entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Republika Srpska is “continuing to combine legal and political activities that bring into question the state institutions, competencies and laws, as well as the authority of the high representative and UNSC resolutions.”  The biggest threat to long-term peace and stability is the worrying trend of current threats of secession by Republika Srpska’s (RS) politicians and their denial of war crimes committed by Serbian and Bosnian Serb forces during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina.  To make matters worse, the Bosnian “Croatian Demoractic Union (HDZ)” leadership has also been undermining efforts within the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina to form a functioning government.  There seems to be no fear of consequences for any actions by these politicians from the Office of the High Representative (OHR), whose authority has been severely undermined by the lack of international reaction to these obstructionist threats.

Unfortunately, as CNAB pointed out on several occasions, the ascertainment that the destiny of Bosnian framework is up to the local politicians, is only partially acceptable because the international community, with the Dayton agreement, provided them with tools which they now misappropriate for nationalist gain, by spreading propaganda of fear and hatred in order to promote a secessionist agenda.  It is imperative to implement sound foreign policy to prevent the injustice that Bosnia has suffered and the tragedy that has happened to its centuries’ old tradition of tolerance, diversity, and coexistence. Bosnia and Herzegovina can and must exist as a multi-ethnic, democratic, and prosperous nation that is fully integrated in Europe and a future member of NATO.

The most glaring need and obstacle to Bosnia’s long term peace, progress, and stability are the constitutional reforms. Dayton Agreement stopped the war but has in the recent years become a hindrance to Bosnia’s path to Europe. Therefore, constitutional reforms must address all aspects of the Dayton agreement which do not help it meet the necessary conditions to join the EU. We believe that majority of Bosnia’s citizens wish to see a country that will have the adequate laws and institutions which will enable it to prosper economically and be fully integrated into the European Union. Constitutional reforms should guarantee equal rights for all of its citizens, but also eliminate the undemocratic process of ethnic voting that holds the central government hostage from implementing any reforms that would lead towards euro-Atlantic integration. One of the main obstacles to Bosnian democracy is the so called ethnic voting, which severely undermines the ability of Bosnia and Herzegovina to function as a state.

The Constitution of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina should serve as the basis for any reform. Even Bosnia’s educational system is fragmented along the ethnic lines and should be reformed to make sure the future generation of Bosnians will value equality, diversity and tolerance. There is also an often forgotten question of refugees who never returned to their homes. We believe that the new Bosnian government should pass laws to promote return of all refugees, including financing the cost of return.

From a security standpoint, the top priority needs to be the necessary reforms for eventual membership in NATO which would significantly weaken both internal and external threats to Bosnian sovereignty. It should also be noted that Bosnia has shown partnership and willingness to stand by the United States in its hours of need for cooperation and support of its strategic interests.

We urge the High Representative to use the Bonn powers to return Bosnian on the right track towards euro-Atlantic integration. We also request that the United States and the European Union provide full backing to the Office of the High Representative during these times in enforcing the reforms necessary to protect Bosnian sovereignty and ensure successful integration into the European Union and NATO.

On behalf of CNAB,

Hamdija Custovic

CNAB Spokesperson

Historically important day for relationship between Bosnia and Hezegovina and Canada

Mr. Brian Masse, Member of the Canadian Parliament and sponsor of the Srebrenica (remembrance) Genocide Day, which was adopted last year in the Canadian Parliament informed the Congress of North American Bosniaks, Canadian Branch that a Friends of Bosnia and Herzegovina Group has been formed in the Canadian Parliament.

The Friends of Bosnia and Herzegovina Group in the Canadian Parliament consists of:

Chair:  Mr. Dave Mackenzie, MP,

Vice Chair:  Mr. Brian Masse, MP,

Vice Chair:  Mr. Bernard Trottier, MP,

Executive Member (Treasurer):  Mrs. Nina Grewal, MP,

Executive Member:  Senator Raynell Andreychuk.

Group currently has 26 members

Special credit for the formation of the Group in the Canadian Parliament goes to H.E. Biljana Gutić-Bjelica, Ambassador Bosnia and Herzegovina in Canada, MP Nine Grewal and Dženita Hozo.

It is also important to emphasize that the formation of the Friends of Bosnia and Herzegovina Group was assisted by the Bosnian Community in Canada led by Congress of North American Bosniaks and Institute for Research Genocide, Canada.

The special assembly on Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Canadian Parliament will provide support to the Canadian Parliament with the necessary political and economic reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina, to improve cooperation between  the two states. With this new establishment there is an aim to also improve cooperation between the two parliaments, and the present the values of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Canadian society.

After the recognition of the Bosnian language in Canada, the ability to use the ethnic name Bosniaks in the Canadian political and statistical documents, the adoption of the Srebrenica Genocide resolution in the Canadian Parliament, the establishment of a parliamentary procedure regarding the genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the formation of the Friends of Bosnia and Herzegovina Group in the Canadian parliament demonstrates a successful start, but the process of lobbying for the interests of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Canadian cultural mosaic must continue.

Prof. Emir Ramic

President of the Congress of North American Bosniaks, Canadian Branch

Dear Members of the Committee on Conscience:

The Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB), the Institute for Research of Genocide Canada (IRGC), and the Bosnian American Genocide Institute and Education Center strongly protest the reporting by Michael Dobbs, a Committee on Conscience fellow, who openly questioned the classification of killing of more than 8,000 Bosniak civilians in Srebrenica as genocide. In his contribution to “The Mladic Files”, Mr. Dobbs shockingly stated the following in the post called “Defining Genocide:

“I must admit that I find it difficult to use the word genocide, which conjures up images of the Holocaust. “

It is appalling that anyone would question the use of the term genocide in this case, given that it has already been established by the International Court of Justice, as the largest case of genocide in Europe since WWII.  Of course, the Holocaust, in which more than 6 million Jews were killed by Nazi and Fascist forces was much greater in magnitude, but nevertheless the Srebrenica genocide fits the UN definition that genocide constitutes “the deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnic, racial, religious, or national group.”  More than 8,000 Bosniaks were deliberately executed in Srebrenica in a matter of days because of their ethnic and religious identity. Furthermore, more than 30,000 were forcefully expelled.   Prior to the war, Srebrenica’s population was more than 70% ethnic Bosniak (Bosnian Muslim).  After the genocide, the population is now less than 1% with only a handful of families returning.

It is even more disappointing and shocking to us that the questioning of the term genocide in Srebrenica would appear on the official website of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, an organization which we collectively admire and support. CNAB even published the announcement of the “Mladic Files” project and encouraged its members to spread the news.  Hence, it is very disheartening to us and all the Bosnian genocide victims whom we represent that we must once again defend the truth even to those who are supposed to help preserve it, the USHMM Committee on Conscience.  Even though you state on your website that “The views expressed are his own”, we strongly advocate that you have a moral responsibility to stop the open questioning of genocide because it is hurtful to the victims and undermines the integrity of your committee.  Just as it’s the case with Holocaust deniers, Srebrenica genocide and other genocide cases that occurred in Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot be questioned, as Srebrenica genocide is  one of the most documented and undeniable cases of genocide in modern history?

In conclusion, we believe it is your responsibility, according to the mandate found on your website (http://www.ushmm.org/genocide/about/ ) “to alert the national conscience, influence policy makers, and stimulate worldwide action to confront and work to halt acts of genocide or related crimes against humanity.”  One of the most important ways to prevent genocide is to stop its denial.  Thus, we respectfully ask that you remove Mr. Dobbs’ outrageous post from your website and prevent any future denial of genocide by people associated with the USHMM.  It is the least you can do to honor the victims and preserve the truth.

Sincerely,

Haris Alibasic, MPA, President
Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB)
www.bosniak.org

Prof. Emir Ramić, Chairman
Institute for the Research of Genocide, Canada (IRGC)
http://www.instituteforgenocide.ca/

Sanja Seferovic-Drnovsek J.D, MEd, Chair
Bosnian American Genocide Institute and Education Center (BAGI)
www.baginst.org

We are outraged and deeply saddened by this act of violence against the U.S. Embassy and the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnia and Herzegovina values the importance of the strategic partnership and the role that the United States has played in BiH, and the support BiH continues to receive from the United States. We urge the authorities to immediately investigate the and take necessary measures to bring to justice all those responsible.

Sincerely,

Hamdija Custovic, CNAB Spokesperson

“The Mladic Files” will provide a multifaceted account of the proceedings against Mladic, who, as commander of the Bosnian Serb Army during the 1992–95 Balkans conflict, has been indicted for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. “The Mladic Files” is available at www.ushmm.org/mladic-files. The project’s blog is available on Foreign Policy’s website.

The project is being led by the Museum’s Goldfarb Fellow, prize-winning foreign correspondent and author Michael Dobbs, who will follow the trial as part of his investigation into the 1995 massacre at Srebrenica. In addition to observing the legal proceedings in The Hague, Dobbs will travel to Srebrenica, Sarajevo, and Belgrade to interview Mladic’s victims and associates, posting his discoveries to the website as he seeks to uncover what drove the Bosnian Serb military commander to order Europe’s deadliest massacre since World War II.

“‘The Mladic Files’ will not only document the trial but also explore the roots of the Srebrenica massacre and its ongoing impact in the former Yugoslavia and the international community,” says Michael Abramowitz, Director of the Committee on Conscience, the Museum’s genocide prevention program. “This historic trial will play an important role in determining if Mladic’s actions constituted genocide. We are pleased that, through our fellowship program, the Museum will be able to provide deeper insights into the trial and the events that brought it about.”

As part of its genocide prevention efforts, the Museum has long shone a spotlight on the atrocities in the Balkans and in particular the massacre at Srebrenica, which is one of the few cases that the international community has deemed genocide. The Museum has been monitoring the arrests and trials of those accused of crimes against humanity in the region.

The Museum’s work on genocide and related crimes against humanity is guided by the Committee on Conscience, a standing committee of the Museum’s Council. The Committee on Conscience’s mandate is to alert the national conscience, influence policy makers, and stimulate worldwide action to confront and work to halt acts of genocide or related crimes against humanity.

A living memorial to the Holocaust, the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum inspires citizens and leaders worldwide to confront hatred, prevent genocide, and promote human dignity. Federal support guarantees the Museum’s permanent place on the National Mall, and its far-reaching educational programs and global impact are made possible by generous donors. For more information, visit ushmm.org.

Source: United States Holocaust Museum

Source: Columbia Daily Spectator

To the Editor:

Tuesday’s lecture by the genocide denier and president of the smaller of the two political entities of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Milorad Dodik, was a slap in the face to the victims of genocide. It is astonishing that Columbia would allow him the platform to spread his lies and propaganda regarding the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, despite protests by victims of genocide and organizations like the Congress of North American Bosniaks, Bosniak American Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosnian American Genocide Institute and Education Center, and Institute for the Research of Genocide, Canada. It is maybe even more disturbing that he was accompanied by Darko Trifunovic, a well known genocide denier and leading Islamophobe in Europe, under the guise of academia. It seems that your honorable publication forgot to do the homework on this person and painted a rosy picture of his willingness to talk to the protestors.

Trifunovic is one of the main genocide deniers who, in a report published in 2002, accused the wives and mothers of Srebrenica of filing falsified reports about missing relatives and alleged that “less than 100 Muslim soldiers” had been executed at Srebrenica. Trifunovic also tries to portray himself as a “terrorism” expert and has on numerous occasions tried to promote the Serb nationalist agenda and justification of their aggression towards Bosnia by painting many Bosnian Muslims as members of the so-called “white al Qaeda.” It is a disturbing trend that he and another controversial “scholar,” Srdja Trifkovic, have tried to promote as part of the global anti-Muslim agenda. It should be noted that Srdja Trifkovic was denied entry into Canada earlier this year when he was scheduled to give a lecture at the University of British Columbia due to his role as a genocide denier and a spokesperson for Radovan Karadzic, the butcher of Bosnia. Karadzic is being tried at The Hague for war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity, among other charges.

It was disappointing to hear that many Bosniak Americans were denied entry to the lecture being held by Dodik even though they received confirmation of their registration. It is difficult to believe that discrimination did not take place given that so many of the protesters were denied access to confront the Republika Srpska president.

Lastly, I would like to draw attention to the perceived pro-Serbian bias that was apparent in the organization of this event and the high likelihood of conflict of interest, given that Columbia received significant Serbian funds in the establishment of the “Njegos endowment.” Dodik’s lecture at Columbia can therefore be seen as a favor to Serbian nationalists for their generous financial contribution.

Respectfully,

Hamdija Custovic

Spokesperson for the Congress of North American Bosniaks