On September 30th, three days before the national elections in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH), Dutch member of European Parliament Emine Bozkurt will organize a conference in the European Parliament in Brussels about the integration of Bosnia-Herzegovina in the European Union (EU). The initiative is a combined effort of Mladi BiH, an umbrella organization of Bosnian youth in the Netherlands, Platform BiH and Emine Bozkurt as spokesperson on Bosnia-Herzegovina for the Social-Democrats in the European Parliament.

The citizens of Bosnia-Herzegovina will go to the ballot boxes on October 3rd to vote for a new government. In the run-up to the national elections, Mladi BiH, Platform BiH and Emine Bozkurt wish to place the EU integration of Bosnia-Herzegovina high on the agenda of the new government. They will discuss this theme with EU and Bosnian officials, NGO’s, activists, citizens and youth. This conference will mark the beginning of the representation of the interests of the Bosnian Diaspora in the EU and will provide a platform for further acquaintance and cooperation between all stakeholders and interested parties.

What will be the European ambitions of the new Bosnian government? What will this mean for the widespread Bosnian Diaspora in the EU? Which role could the Diaspora play with regard to the European perspective of Bosnia-Herzegovina?

These are just a few questions which will be answered during the conference in Brussels, with as special guest speaker Valentin Inzko, the High Representative for the International Community and EU Special Representative in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

We would like to invite you to join the conference. Anyone who wishes to participate can sign in for the conference by sending an e-mail to the following e-mail address:

konferencija.europskiparlament@gmail.com

You can register by sending your name, date and place of birth and identity card number or passport number. The registration should be sent before the 22nd of September due to the safety procedures in the European Parliament.

The United States Government is looking for individuals who personally witnessed or were victims of serious crimes during the war in the former Yugoslavia, and who can identify perpetrators who may now be living in the United States. We need your help.

The Department of Justice’s Human Rights and Special Prosecutions Section (HRSP) together with the Human Rights Violators – War Crimes Unit of the Division of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (HRVWCU – ICE), is part of a U.S. Government interagency effort to identify perpetrators who have entered the United States and are living here, and to prosecute them under U.S. criminal laws, or through civil cases to remove their U.S. citizenship and remove (deport) them from the United States.

HRSP and HRVWCU have an active interest in the events that occurred in the former Yugoslavia between 1991 and 1999. If you immigrated from the former Yugoslavia and you believe another individual in the United States committed or assisted in serious crimes such as killing unarmed civilians, rape, or torture during the war in Yugoslavia, we want to hear from you. The United States Government can take action only against individuals now in the United States. We are interested in receiving information about perpetrators of any national group.

If you can identify a perpetrator in the United States, please call the toll-free number below and leave a message in English, Bosnian, Serbian, or Croatian. We ask that you leave your name, a telephone number at which we can reach you, the place and date you saw the crimes committed, and a short description of what happened. An investigator will contact you to discuss your information further. If you have information, please call so that we can bring these perpetrators to justice.

1-800-813-5863

This telephone number will be active for at least one year, beginning August 1, 2010. In addition to this number, persons can contact HRVWCU – ICE at its hotline: 1-866-347-2423.

If you prefer to write to our office, please send your letter to:

Honorable Secretary Clinton,

The Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB) agrees with the State Department’s assessment that the “efforts by Republika Srpska officials to undermine state-level institutions” are having a detrimental impact to the stability and integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The report specifically outlined how the undermining of the Bosnian state authority by the Republika Srpska representatives negatively affected the ability of the Bosnian State Investigation and Protection Agency (SIPA) to carry out counterterrorism operations.

CNAB has pointed out in several meetings and correspondence with the State Department representative that the Bosnian Serb authorities are intentionally undermining reforms and efforts for peace and reconciliation, weakening the state authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to project it as a ”failed state.” Security and counterterrorism are only one example of the negative effect of these efforts on security and stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Republika Srpska representatives are intentionally misusing and misinterpreting the Dayton agreement in order to justify their actions. This is evident in Milorad Dodik’s disgraceful comments in which he dismisses the report findings, and accuses the State Department of bias against Serbs. Dodik utilizes the Dayton agreement as a tool for his separatist agenda. Unfortunately, these efforts have gone largely unchecked due to the declining position of the Office of High Representatives (OHR) due to insufficient support from the European Union.

CNAB believes that the best path to accomplish long term peace and stability for Bosnia and Herzegovina is through meaningful reforms, and full euro-Atlantic integration and NATO membership. In order to reach this goal, we believe that a stronger and more forceful U.S. role in Bosnia is necessary to ensure conditions are met to reach this goal. A stronger U.S. presence in Bosnia would give a much needed push in the right direction. An assignment of a special U.S. envoy to the region, as recommended by U.S. House resolution 171, would signal that the stability and functionality of Bosnia and Herzegovina is still of vital national interest to the United States.

CNAB believes that urgent reforms are needed that will strengthen the state by consolidating redundant institutions in order for Bosnia and Herzegovina to continue to provide and serve its citizens. The status quo is not an option, as Bosnia continues to fall behind in implementing economic, judicial, and constitutional reforms that are necessary to move closer to Europe. Business conditions in Bosnia are some of the worst in Europe, as the unnecessary and competing layers of government have created severe barriers to entry for direct foreign investment and made business operations in Bosnia a very risky proposition. Status quo would also mean that Bosnia, a country with a population of a large American city, would continue to operate with four different criminal justice systems (state, entities, and Brcko district) which apply different substantive and procedural laws. Constitutional reforms are necessary to bring Bosnia out of the nationalist stalemate of the Dayton agreement and into the 21st century as a democratic, multi-ethnic, and sovereign country that will be fully integrated in Europe and a strong NATO ally.

Sincerely,

Haris Alibasic, MPA

President of the CNAB Board of Directors

Hamdija Custovic, Spokesperson

The Honorable David Cameron, Prime Minister
10 Downing Street, London
SW1A 2AA

Honorable Prime Minister Cameron:

I am writing to you on behalf of Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB), which represents interests of more than 350,000 Bosniaks living in the United States and Canada, to commend your remarks on the 15h anniversary of the Srebrenica Genocide. In your remarks you call for justice and relentless pursuit of all those responsible, particularly the lack of urgency and pressure to arrest fugitives Ratko Mladic and Goran Hadzic. While many real war criminals are yet to be arrested, despite the multitude of broken promises, the Serbian government has been busy arresting innocent Bosnia and Herzegovina citizens, such as Ilija Jurisic, and making an extradition request for Ejup Ganic, who served as a member of Bosnia and Herzegovina Presidency during aggression on our homeland. On July 27th, the UK Court will make a decision regarding this request and we are confident that truth will prevail and that Mr. Ganic will be released a free man. However, this case is about more than freedom of a single person. It represents all that is wrong in the attitude and approach of Serbia towards its neighbors. It is nothing more but a shameful attempt to rewrite history so they do not have to accept full responsibility for the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina.

We are pleased that you indicated a closer interest of the British government in the Balkans region to help move Bosnia and Herzegovina towards memberships in NATO and European Union. The best path to accomplish long term peace and stability for Bosnia and Herzegovina is through full Euro-Atlantic integration and NATO membership. CNAB has repeatedly called for more involvement by the international community in stopping the current trend of genocide denial and revisionist history by the Serbian government and many representatives from Republika Srpska, smaller of the two entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We believe that this presents a serious obstacle to efforts for stability, peace, and reconciliation, because there can be no lasting peace without truth and justice. There must be unconditional acceptance of responsibility and punishment of all war criminals by Serbia in order to move forward in its quest for Euro-Atlantic integration. CNAB believes that a lot of work must be done by Serbia to gain the level of trust that is necessary for long term stability in the region.

Sincerely,

Haris Alibašić, MPA
President of the Congress of North American Bosniaks

2010-07-24 CNAB Letter to David Cameron PM

Dr. Marko Attila Hoare is a Reader at the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Kingston University (London) and is the European Neighbourhood Section Director of the Henry Jackson Society, an independent think tank promoting democratic geopolitics. He received his BA from the University of Cambridge in 1994 and his PhD from Yale University in 2000.

Hoare has been studying the history of South East Europe, in particular the former Yugoslavia, since 1993, and is intimately acquainted with the lands and peoples of Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. In the summer of 1995, he acted as translator for the aid convoy to the Bosnian town of Tuzla organised by Workers Aid, a movement of solidarity in support of the Bosnian people. In 1998-2001 he lived in Belgrade, and was resident there during the Kosovo War of 1999. As a journalist, he covered the fall of Milosevic in 2000. He worked as a Research Officer for the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia’s Office of the Prosecutor in 2001, and participated in the drafting of the indictment of Slobodan Milosevic.
He is the author of How Bosnia Armed (Saqi, London, 2004), Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia: The Partisans and the Chetniks, 1941-1943 (Oxford University Press, London, 2006) and The History of Bosnia-Hercegovina: From the Middle Ages to the Present Day (Saqi, London, 2007).
Dr. Hoare is the winner of this year’s Congress of North American Bosniak’s award for outstanding contributions to the advancement of Bosniaks and Bosnia and Herzegovina in the world for ther past 20 years, his writings about truth and history of Bosniaks and Bosnia and Herzegovina, war crimes research, and promotion of truth about aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina and genocide against Bosniaks.

Dr. Marko ATTIL HOARE, historian

The CNAB award for outstanding contributions to the advancement of Bosniaks and Bosnia and Herzegovina

Congratulations on the 2010 CNAB award for outstanding contributions to the advancement of Bosniaks and Bosnia and Herzegovina. This award is recognition for your lifelong dedication to presenting the truth about Bosnia and Herzegovina, both from historical and current events perspectives. [Comment: Florence Hartmann is also this year's winner of the award. She was our guest at the Annual Dinner and we held a book promotion in Saint Louis] How do you feel about the award and what does it mean to you?
Dr. HOARE: Thank you very much. I am extremely honoured to receive this award. Since the war broke out in Bosnia in 1992, when I was nineteen, I have been defending, studying and writing about Bosnia. I have visited the country many times, and lived there for a year, in 1997-1998. I have published three books about Bosnia. So Bosnia and Herzegovina has been a very big part of my life. It means a lot to me to feel that that my contribution to the defence of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and to the study of Bosnia, has been noticed and appreciated.

Can you tell us about your current plans, what can we expect from Dr. Hoare in the next few years in terms of your writing future publications?
Dr. HOARE: I am currently planning to write a history of Serbia since 1918, and in particular since 1941, that will focus on the relationship between Serbia and Yugoslavia, on the evolution of national ideology in Serbia, and how Serbia’s leaders and intellectuals saw and understood Yugoslavia. I would like ultimately, however, to work more thematically on issues relating to genocide, with a focus that goes beyond the former Yugoslavia.

In 2001 you were a research officer at the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia; can you briefly talk about your experience?
Dr. HOARE: I worked for seven months as a Research Officer at the ICTY. I did not know, when I arrived there in February 2001, what work I would be assigned to do, but found myself assigned to work on Serbia’s leadership and its relationship to the crime base in Croatia, and in particular in Bosnia. I focused in particular on Serbia’s relationship to the JNA, and on the structure of the Serb military forces.
Working at the ICTY was a wonderful experience, partly because my team of researchers – the ‘Leadership Research Team’ – was made up of researchers like myself, people committed to justice and eager to find out what happened and why, who were consequently prepared to study the war in the former Yugoslavia in great depth. It was also a major intellectual experience for me, as it taught me a great deal about how the Yugoslav state and its component parts were organised, and related to that, the structure of the Milosevic regime and the Great Serbian organisation for war in all their component parts. I learned about the relationship between the Yugoslav Presidency, the Yugoslav government, the Yugoslav People’s Army, the Serbian presidency, the Serbian government, the Socialist Party of Serbia and JUL, the Yugoslav and Serbian interior ministries and their police forces (secret and public), the Serbian Territorial Defence, the Serb nationalist rebels in Croatia and Bosnia and their forces – Interior Ministry and police, Territorial Defence, Serb Democratic Party, etc. So, I learned a lot about how the war was waged, and how the aggression was organised.
At the same time, I got to understand the negative side of the ICTY and the UN generally – the corruption, cronyism, internal politics and incompetence that partly explain why the ICTY has not been more successful, and why the UN as a whole is a problematic institution.

Seeing that you are a historian, how did you become interested in writing about Bosnia and Herzegovina?
Dr. HOARE: I became interested in the history of Bosnia-Hercegovina after the war broke out there in 1992, and I wanted to understand why. Of course, the origins of the war lie in Serbian aggression and in all-Yugoslav developments, but I wanted to understand why the war took the form that it did in Bosnia, and I wanted to understand this war properly. When I arrived at Yale as a postgraduate student in 1994, I had to decide what topic to study for my PhD. I chose Bosnia over other former-Yugoslav lands, in part because the national question there was unique: three nations or nationalities sharing a common homeland. I decided to concentrate on trying to understand how and why Bosnia had come into being as a nation-state of three nationalities, which meant studying the Partisan movement in Bosnia of the 1940s. I thought that if I could understand how and why this state was created in the 1940s, I could better understand how and why it was destroyed in the 1990s. Then I found that, in order to understand the Partisan movement in Bosnia, I had to go back further into Bosnian history.

You speak about the Bosnian national question during and after Tito’s Yugoslavia in your book, History of Bosnia: from Middle Ages to the Present Day. In reality do you think the question of a nation-state will even be solved if so, what do you think the best strategy is?
Dr. HOARE: As I argued in ‘The History of Bosnia’, since 1918, there have been two paths with which Bosnia has been faced: autonomy or sovereignty as a unified whole, or partition. As things stand, Bosnia has been de facto partitioned by the Dayton Accords, and the partition is becoming fuller and harder with every passing year. Unless Bosnian patriots can devise a strategy to overturn the Dayton Accords, I believe the Republika Srpska could eventually become an independent state, or at the very least, a de facto independent state like Taiwan.
Bosnian patriots need, on the one hand, to lose their fear of appearing unreasonable in the eyes of the international community: the EU and the Western world will usually appease a trouble-maker so long as it appears strong, as they appeased Serbia in the 1990s and as they are appeasing Greece today. But they do not respect victimhood. Bosnian patriots need to assault the Dayton system, and to make it clear to the international community that the price they will pay for trying to maintain Dayton will be greater than the price they will pay for revising it.
I think that Bosnian patriots from among the Bosniak community should assault the Dayton system where nobody can stop them: by dismantling the system of cantons that cripples the Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina. They should campaign to have the Bosniak-majority and mixed cantons merged together to form a single entity that would then act as the core around which a new Bosnian state could be built. That would start the process of constitutional revision in a way that bypasses the RS’s veto. And once the ball of change starts rolling, it may not be possible for anyone to stop it.
Nevertheless, Bosnia will only work as a state and as a country if at least part of the Serb and Croat communities, as well as Bosniaks, can be brought on board to support the project of a unified Bosnia. So even if most Bosniak patriots at the present time are Bosniaks, they need to put forward a model of Bosnian patriotism and a Bosnian state which is at least in principle attractive to Bosnian Serbs and Croats.

Do you think the Dayton agreement has played a part in damaging the nation-state?
Dr. HOARE: The Dayton agreement was a catastrophe that gave the Great Serb perpetrators of genocide most of what they wanted, despite the fact that they had been beaten on the battlefield. Izetbegovic was wrong to have accepted signing the agreement. I believe he wouldn’t have signed it today even under pressure, as it is evidenced in particular, the recognition of the Republika Srpska, and the absence of functioning Bosnian central state organs, are catastrophic. Bosnia will never begin to heal so long as the Dayton order remains in place.

Looking at the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, is genocide culturally determined?
Dr. HOARE: No; genocide is not culturally determined. Though neither is it true that genocide was wholly imported from outside into Bosnia, by the Milosevic regime. The Serb genocidal campaign against the Bosniaks and Croats in the 1990s enjoyed the support of at least part of the Bosnian Serb population, and of the Bosnian Serb politicians of the Serb Democratic Party for whom most Bosnian Serbs had voted. Their fear and hatred of Izetbegovic, the Party of Democratic Action, Bosnian independence and the Bosniak population were conditioned by the divisions in Bosnian society that had their origins in Ottoman times – namely, the divison of the Bosnian population between three different nationalities, with their own national ideologies. These divisions were a precondition for genocide, but they did not make it inevitable; it required the Milosevic regime in Belgrade and Karadzic’s leadership of the Bosnian Serb nationalists to organise genocide on the basis of these decisions. You could not have had the Holocaust in Germany without the existence of both Jews and Christians – with distinct religious and cultural traditions – but the existence of Jews and Christians in Germany did not make the Holocaust inevitable.

In your opinion, is the Bosnian Army today strong enough to defend the sovereignty of the country, or is Bosnia still dependent on half-hearted efforts of the Western nations to protect its future?
Dr. HOARE: The Bosnian Army is strong enough to make the RS’s secession very risky. But we do not know what the outcome of a military conflict between the Bosnian Army and the RS forces would be. The Bosnian Army needs to remain large and powerful to counter any attempt at secession by the RS. I do not believe the Western alliance will intervene militarily to prevent the RS’s secession; it is more likely that it would allow a Cyprus-style scenario to emerge, in which the secessionist entity is simply isolated. But once Bosnia enters the EU, even that may be difficult to enforce. So the Bosnian Army needs to remain strong. Even if it is not strong enough to defeat the RS as fully as Croatia defeated the RSK, it should be powerful enough to occupy large parts of the RS, so that the secession will have failed.

Citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially Bosniaks, and Bosnia and Herzegovina officials have had a very bad experience in dealing with the authorities of Great Britain during the Serbian and Montenegrin agression on Bosnia and Herzegovina. Through your research or personal opinions, what can you tell us about about why the British leadership supported genocidal policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina and extrermination of Bosniaks at that time?
Dr. HOARE: The fullest answer to this question is given by Professor Brendan Simms of the University of Cambridge, in his book ‘Unfinest Hour – Britain and the Destruction of Bosnia’. My own answer, which accords largely with what he wrote, is as follows: the British Conservative government of John Major subscribed to a philosophy of ‘conservative realism’ in international affairs, which made it averse to any foreign intervention for ethical or humanitarian purposes. Instead, it believed that British foreign policy should be guided solely by selfish national interest. It misunderstood the nature of the Yugoslav war, and wrongly believed that Milosevic’s Serbia was fighting secessionism and struggling to keep Yugoslavia together. It wanted to befriend Serbia as the strongest power in the former Yugoslavia, and despised Croatia and Bosnia as supposedly ‘secessionist’ states – as a deeply conservative government, it despised secessionism, but did not realise that Milosevic’s Serbia was the principal secessionist. It believed that the Serb forces had won the war and that the UK had no interest in trying to change this. Once it went down the path of collaborating with Serbia, it could not allow any new Western policy to be adopted, such as military intervention against Serb forces, or lifting the arms embargo against the Bosnian government, that would prove it had been wrong all along in its insistence that such policies would not work, or that would reveal its overestimation of Serb military superiority. So, its pro-Serb policy became self-perpetuating.

What role would Great Britain likely assume today if the Serb secessionists were to follow Milošević’s or Karadžić’s path?
Dr. HOARE: The UK today has a brand new government, with the Conservatives in the majority and the Liberal Democrats in the minority. We do not know how this government will behave. However, based on the past statements made by Prime Minister David Cameron and Foreign Minister William Hague, I am cautiously optimistic that, in the event of a renewed Great Serb assault on Bosnia, British policy would be very different from what it was in the 1990s. Hague has indicated that the West should adopt a ‘more muscular’ approach to Bosnia. He strongly criticised the previous government for its behaviour over the arrest of Ejup Ganic. Cameron strongly denounced Russian aggression against Georgia in 2008. So, I am optimistic.

From the Bosnian point of view, British policies towards Bosnia today are not much different than those from early 1990’s, which is the case with arrest of dr. Ejup Ganić, member of the Bosnia and Herzegovina Presidency at time of agression. He was arrested in London and there is a case in the Court seeking extradition based on the Serbian request, the very state that committed agression on BiH. This case seems to show that the British judiciary is politicized which can turn out to be a huge embarssament to Great Britain. What do you expect from this case?
Dr. HOARE: I don’t think the arrest of Ganic is a reflection of British policy or of the politicisation of the British judiciary. The arrest was the result of a judicial decision based on the UK’s extradition treaty with Serbia. I criticise the judicial treatment of Ganic, but I don’t believe it was a political arrest; more a question of judicial overreaction. I believe the Serbian extradition request will ultimately be thrown out by the court, and that Ganic will leave Britain a free man.

Thank you for your time and candid answers.Finally, for those who wish to follow in your footsteps, what advice would you give to those individuals?
Dr. HOARE: If you want to study the history of Bosnia or any other country, you should ask the big, exciting questions. You should pick questions that will explain the big things that are not understood. You should be prepared to challenge existing wisdom and cliches, and should not be intimidated by any existing intellectual consensus that you don’t believe in. I don’t mean you should be deliberately offensive or provocative for its own sake, but you should try to be intellectually original. I would also strongly advise giving priority to looking at original documents, particularly the key documents of any country’s national and political history. Important historical monographs also need to be read. But there is a lot of pretentious theoretical rubbish from the fields of political science, international relations etc. that is not only intellectually useless, but that actually gets in the way of proper understanding – theory for the sake of theory. When I pick up a book about Bosnia or any other subject in which the first quarter or third of the text is a theoretical discussion that has nothing particularly to do with the case study in question, I usually feel it safe to assume that the book will not teach me much.

Courtesy web magazine Bosniaks.net

 City of Grand Rapids, Michigan adopted the proclamation proclaiming July 11, 2010, as Srebrenica Remembrance Day and the week of July 11, 2010, as Bosnia and Herzegovina Tribute Week in the City of Grand Rapids. Since 2005, City of Grand Rapids’ Mayor George Heartwell issued supported Srebrenica Remembrance Day and Bosnia and Herzegovina Tribute proclamation.

Grand Rapids is home to a large number of Bosnian Americans. Congress of North American Bosniaks is thankful to the City’s elected and administrative officials support for Bosnian Americans. Honorable George K. Heartwell has honored Bosniak organizations in Grand Rapids at a special reading of the proclamation at City of Grand Rapids government meeting. Honorable Heartwell read the proclamation and stated how important Bosniak American community in Grand Rapids is, “with over 5,000 in the metropolitan Grand Rapids area” who contribute to the economy and well being of the community. The following representatives from various Bosniak American organizations were present at the even where Mayor handed copies of the resolution to each present:

Ahmet Kadic, Vice President of the Michigan chapter of the Congress of North American Bosniaks; imam dr. Muaz Redzic, from Bosnian Cultural Center (BCC), Sanel Fazlic, pas president of the BCC; Jasminko Hodzic, president of the Board of the Islamic Cultural Center (ICC) Behar; and imam Edip Makic from ICC Behar. 
Haris Alibasic, president of the Congress of North American Bosniaks spoke on behalf of Bosniak organizations and thanked the City for continuous support to Bosnian Americans and for welcome to the new resident and citizens of this community.

City of Kentwood, Michigan adopted the proclamation proclaiming July 11, 2010, as Srebrenica Remembrance Day and the week of July 11, 2010, as Bosnia and Herzegovina Tribute Week in the City of Kentwood (see in PDF format). This is the third year that Mayor Richard Root and the City Council supported and adopted similar proclamation. Kentwood has a large Bosnian American population.

Earlier this month on July 1, 2010, State of Michigan House of Representatives adopted House resolution No. 311 proclaiming July 11, 2010, as Srebrenica Remembrance Day and the week of July 11, 2010, as Bosnia and Herzegovina Tribute Week in the state of Michigan. Representatives from all parties represented in the House unanimously voted to adopt the Resolution. Congress of North American Bosniaks is thankful to Michigan legislators for their support to Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bosnian Americans and to the City elected and administrative officials support. CNAB thanks

From 1992-1995, Serbs from heavily militarized villages around Srebrenica had terrorized Bosniak civilians and constantly attacked neighboring Bosniak villages. In July 1995 the Bosnian Serbs took control of Srebrenica and committed genocide. In the course of the Srebrenica genocide, approximately 30,000 Bosniaks had been expelled from their home and 8,372 Bosniaks had been summarily executed.

Congress of North American Bosniaks, Michigan Chapter

Proglasd Kentwood 2010 1

Proglas Grand Rapids 2010

The statement from President Obama marking the 15th anniversary of the genocide at Srebrenica, the largest mass murder in Europe after World War II:

“On the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the genocide at Srebrenica, and on behalf of the United States, I join my voice with those who are gathered to mourn a great loss and to reflect on an unimaginable tragedy.

“Fifteen years ago today, despite decades of pledges of “never again,” 8,000 men and boys were murdered in these fields and hills. They were brothers, sons, husbands, and fathers, and they all became victims of genocide. I have said, and I believe, that the horror of Srebrenica was a stain on our collective conscience. We honor their memories and grieve with their families, as many of them are laid to rest here today. They were people who sought to live in peace and had relied on the promise of international protection, but in their hour of greatest need, they were left to fend for themselves. Only those of you who suffered through those days, who lost loved ones, can comprehend the unspeakable horror. You have carried this burden and live with pain and loss every moment of your lives.

“This atrocity galvanized the international community to act to end the slaughter of civilians, and the name Srebrenica has since served as a stark reminder of the need for the world to respond resolutely in the face of evil. For fifteen years, the United States has joined with you to foster peace and reconciliation in this troubled land. We recognize that there can be no lasting peace without justice, and we know that we will all be judged by the efforts we make in pursuit of justice for Srebrenica’s victims and those who mourn them. Justice must include a full accounting of the crimes that occurred, full identification and return of all those who were lost, and prosecution and punishment of those who carried out the genocide. This includes Ratko Mladic, who presided over the killings and remains at large. The United States calls on all governments to redouble their efforts to find those responsible, to arrest them, and to bring them to justice. In so doing, we will honor Srebrenica’s victims and fulfill our moral and legal commitments to end impunity for crimes of such awful magnitude.

“We have a sacred duty to remember the cruelty that occurred here, and to prevent such atrocities from happening again. We have an obligation to victims and to their surviving family members. And we have a responsibility to future generations all over the globe to agree that we must refuse to be bystanders to evil; whenever and wherever it occurs, we must be prepared to stand up for human dignity.

“May God bless you all, and may God bless the memory of all those who rest here.”

]]> http://www.bosniak.org/statement-by-the-president-obama-on-the-15th-anniversary-of-the-genocide-at-srebrenica/feed/ 0 http://www.bosniak.org/toronto-srebrenica-commemoration/ http://www.bosniak.org/toronto-srebrenica-commemoration/#comments Sat, 10 Jul 2010 19:58:29 +0000 frdsefer http://www.bosniak.org/?p=3552 Friday Night July 9, 2010 – Srebrenica Photo Exhibit

On July 9th, 2010, the second floor of the Gladstone hotel was host to the official start of a set of ceremonial activities organised by a dedicated group of volunteers.
Three separate rooms housed three very distinct but connected experiences for the approximately 200 reception-goers, featuring Roger LeMoyne’s exhibit “Srebrenica: The Absence”. This gripping photo series, which began in 1995, conveys the sense of loss, an unwavering need for justice and the importance of preserving history. In the main foyer on the second floor, a bright, eclectic, and mostly young crowd mingled as the Jusuf Dzilic (aka Genocide) video “Srebrenica” played on an iMac. Petition forms and informational pamphlets were available at the information desk, to gain support from the Canadian public on passing the genocide resolution and bill currently in front of Parliament. Owing perhaps to the event’s timing, a large number of street-traffic was welcomed by an always abundant and receptive host group. Windsor-West MP Brian Masse continued to show his support for the Bosniak community and this important issue by personally attending the event.

In the south-facing rooms, traditional Bosnian music, Sevdalinka, and traditional religious songs, Ilahija, were played as visitors viewed images that were both disturbing and impactful. In the north-facing room, pictures of the bereaved, the dead, and the still missing gave the impression of some end, but no closure, to the viewer. An equally heavy melody and visuals by Alma Ferovic played on a video screen, and this song combined with the images brought many visitors to tears.

2. Saturday July 10, 2010 – Silent March

Over three hundred people, all wearing a distinctive bright yellow tee with the words “Never forget / Srebrenica Genocide / July 11, 1995″, gathered in front of the Royal Ontario Museum at noon on Saturday, July 10, 2010. Comprised mostly of young Canadian Bosniaks, but with a healthy contingent of supporters from other communities, the group began a silent march through the streets of downtown Toronto. The lead group walked silently in a file of two, each member carrying a single letter that spelled out “SREBRENICA GENOCIDE” along the left, and flags of Canada and Bosnia on the right. The procession walked on the right-hand sides and north sides of the street so that the placards could be seen by all, informing onlookers of the cause. Continuously handing out informational pamphlets and flyers to a very receptive Toronto public, the group made several stops at major Toronto media outlets such as CTV, CP24, and CBC, as well as major landmarks such as Yonge and Dundas Square, and Nathan Phillips Square. Canadians, Canadian-Bosnians and Canadian-Bosniaks on this day showed the civility, pride, and solidarity of a nation that continues to struggle for justice against those perpetrators of genocide in Srebrenica, elsewhere in Bosnia, and the world.

3. Sunday July 11, 2010- Ceremony

The 2-hour program on the 15-year anniversary of the Srebrenica Genocide began at 7PM on July 11, 2010 at the Bosnian Islamic Association. The hall was decorated with the photos of Roger Lemoyne, various books on the Srebrenica genocide, related poetry, informative quotes and yellow lilies. Yellow lilies being a symbol of Bosnia and the Bosniak people. Near the entrance to the hall stood six large tables on top of which was listed the names of the 8, 372 men killed in Srebrenica 15 years ago. The tables were symbolically draped in green, as the tradition among Bosniaks is to drape the coffins of their deceased in green cloth.

An informative and heart-wrenching 30-minute documentary outlining the circumstances of the fall of Srebrenica and individual stories of the massacre was played to a crowd of 300 that included Parliamentarians Hon. Brian Masse, Hon. Boris Wrzesnewskyj, Hon. Rob Oliphant, as well as distinguished guests.

The Srebrenica Memorial Film was followed by a short video by Tarik Samarah as a preamble to the riveting account of a now 35-year old man who is an Omarska concentration camp survivor (he was held for 202 days). Fadil Kulasic, an experienced speaker, tailored his typically 3 hour talk, to 30 minutes, focusing on 6 of his most vivid and defining memories. Fadil’s stories left the audience speechless and tearful. He showed bravery and strength in sharing these difficult, heartfelt stories with the audience. A common thread amongst the six stories was one of strength and perseverance. Fadil mentioned that throughout his experiences he often heard other victims like himself proclaim “Ne daj se, Bosno!” (Don’t give up Bosna), and he shared this with the audience reiterating that the we should never give up on Bosna and we should never forget the atrocities that occurred there. The reason Fadil believes he is alive today is that he would always look his captors in the eyes and he wouldn’t turn his back to them when they asked him to, no matter what. He believed that if there was any ounce of humanity in his captors, that they wouldn’t be able to hurt him if he looked them in the eye. The final message he gave the audience was that he wanted to remind us to never turn our backs to Srebrenica.

The final half of the program was filled by a rousing set of speeches from the MPs. Hon. Brian Masse’s passionate show of support and the message that Canada must recognize the genocide for the good of its citizens and for the sake of its reputation in the world was received with a standing ovation. Hon. Boris Wrzesnewsky talked about loss and memory and Hon. Rob Oliphant discussed the need for truth and reconciliation and both these messages were warmly received with standing ovations as well. The Bosniak community and their supporters were honoured to have these three distinguished MPs attend the event and show their support for having Srebrenica recognized as a genocide in Canada and having July 11th recognized as Srebrenica Remembrance Day. The evening closed with a moving commemoration ceremony that involved the laying down of yellow lilies, by each attendee, on the tables containing the names of 8, 372 men that were killed. A traditional ilahija, “Don’t Grieve with Tears”, sung by Mensura Bajraktarevic played throughout the hall.

Mayor Jerry Abramson also proclaimed the week of July 11 – 17 as Bosnia and Herzegovina Tribute Week and urged all citizens to observe this special recognition.

The following are digital copies of both proclamations honoring 8,372 who died and 30,000 Bosniaks that were expelled during the first genocide since the Holocaust.

July 11 Srebrenica Remembrance Day Proclamation Louisville

July 11-17 Bosnia and Herzegovina Tribute Week Proclamation – City of Louisville

The Bosniak-American Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina (BAACBH) cordially invites you to the 15th Commemoration of Srebrenica Genocide on Capitol Hill. We will commemorate the lives lost during the worst atrocity committed in Europe after the Second World War.

2:00 p.m.- 3:00 p.m. Tuesday, July 13, 2010
Location: Room 2255 Rayburn House Office Building

Opening Remarks:
Elmina Kulasic, BAACBH Executive Director

Speakers:

Amb. Damir Dzanko, Deputy Chief of Mission BiH Embassy

Congressman Chris Smith (NJ) Co-Chair of the Congressional Caucus on Bosnia – invited

Roy Gutman, Foreign Editor at McClatchy Newspapers and author of “A Witness to Genocide.”

Margit Meissner, Holocaust Survivor and a Volunteer at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum.

A brief introduction about Margit Meissner and her life will be provided by Bridget Conley-Zilkic, Director of Research and Projects at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum Committee on Conscience.

RSVP Contact: Elmina Kulasic

202-347-6742
ekulasic@baacbh.org

House Resolution No. 311

A resolution to declare July 11, 2010, as Srebrenica Remembrance Day and the week of July 11, 2010, as Bosnia and Herzegovina Tribute Week in the state of Michigan.

Whereas, The United States Senate and the United States House of Representatives passed resolutions in 2005 acknowledging the genocide that the Serbian forces perpetrated in Srebrenica, and all of Bosnia from 1992 to 1995; and

Whereas, July 11, 2010, will commemorate the 15th anniversary of the Srebrenica massacre in which at least 8,372 innocent Bosniak civilians were executed and 30,000 were expelled from their homes in the worst atrocity in Europe since the Holocaust; and Whereas, This anniversary raises awareness of the tragic suffering of the Bosnian people and honors and remembers those who died as a result of the policies of ethnic cleansing and aggression; and

Whereas, The Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB) is the umbrella organization representing Bosniaks in the United States and Canada; and

Whereas, The state of Michigan recognizes the importance of this event to bring closure for the Bosnian people through justice and truth; now, therefore, be it Resolved by the House of Representatives, That the members of this legislative body declare July 11, 2010, as Srebrenica Remembrance Day and the week of July 11, 2010, as Bosnia and Herzegovina Tribute Week in the state of Michigan; and be it further Resolved, That we call upon all citizens to work toward ending the cycle of violence and promoting peaceful coexistence among all.

Michigan Srebrenica Resolution

The U.S. actions in the Balkans have reaffirmed our confidence in the power of freedom and equality of all. We must remember that when the Bosnian people took to the polls to vote in the historic referendum for independence more than 18 years ago, it was the United States who were one of the first to recognize the new democracy into the international community. Following the bloody agression that ensued, it was also the American intervention and support of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina that helped to end the war and stop the genocide against Bosniaks.  As we approach the July 4th Holiday and celebration of this great holiday, we remember and express gratitude to all men and women who gave their lives for freedom and democracy both in the U.S and Bosnia.

Happy 4th of July!

CNAB Board of Directors

In the society of knowledge, education is the key to success and science is the magnet for economic development. The historic nations of Bosnia and Herzegovina have been tremendous sources of excellent talent but often short on resources and equal opportunities. 

Many ambitious students have exciting, creative research project ideas but no funding. Setting up an experiment, documenting history or building a prototype needs support.  A student may want to visit another university to learn a new method. Unfortunately, lack of funding can block the very best ideas. The Undergraduate Research Fellowship is designed to bring new energies and funding opportunities to gifted students of Bosnian-Herzegovinian background.

Support for the Study of Sciences and Arts 

Bosnian-Herzegovinian American Academy of Arts and Sciences (BHAAAS) in partnership with the Forerunner Federation announces a fellowship program that offers research support for undergraduate students in all fields of study. Initially, the partnering organizations make a three year commitment to sponsor the annual Bosnia and Herzegovina Research Fellowships for Undergraduate Students.

The mission of the Bosnian‐Herzegovinian American Academy of Arts and Sciences (BHAAAS) is advancement and development of arts and sciences in the Bosnian‐Herzegovinian Diaspora in the United States and Canada, as well as building bridges of knowledge with the homeland.

The Forerunner Federation is committed to promoting competitive participation of underrepresented minority nations in advanced sciences and influential arts. The Federation advances inclusive society and cultural diversity by supporting regional development.

Fellowship Award

This Fellowship program is established to encourage undergraduate research in arts and sciences, directly related to Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is intended that about four undergraduate research fellowships will be competitively awarded for qualified undergraduate students in all fields of study. These fellowship grants provide short‐term financial support, ranging from $500 to $1.000. The funds may be used for research and travel related expenses.  It is anticipated that approximately four fellowship awards will be made, depending on submitted budgets, number of recipients and availability of funding. Out of four fellowships, two will be awarded to candidates currently living and studying in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and two to students with Bosnian-Herzegovinian background studying in the U.S. or Canada.

Eligibility Criteria

i.       The competition is open to students of Bosnian-Herzegovinian background: 

         a.      Students born and currently living in Bosnia and Herzegovina or

         b.      Students with Bosnian-Herzegovinian background studying in the U.S. or Canada

ii.      Students enrolled in undergraduate program of an accredited, degree granting university or college

iii.     Students who have a record of accomplishments and good support by teachers and/or community leaders.

The competition is open to all ethnic groups of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Women and historically underrepresented minorities are particularly encouraged to apply.

Applications

The applications should be submitted in English or one of the official languages of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Complete applications should include: 

1.      Study/research plan, including budget (~3 pgs); 

2.      Completed application form; 

3.      Curriculum Vitae (European Union standard CV); 

4.      Written recommendation from a research mentor of a host institution;

5.      One or more written recommendations from a teacher, former employer or community leader;

6.      Grade reports from three recent years of school; 

7.      Proof of Bosnian-Herzegovinian background

Applications should be submitted electronically (see attached forms and technical guide). More information and application material available at: http://www.forerunnerfederation.org 

Submission address: ffapplications@gmail.com  

Submission deadline: midnight (Sarajevo time), September 1, 2010

Review and Selection

After competitive review of all eligible applications, the fellowship award recipients will be ranked by the International Fellowship Award Council jointly appointed by BHAAAS and the Forerunner Federation. The review will take about two months. Based on the recommendations of Fellowship Award Council, winners will be selected by a consensus of BHAAAS and the Forerunner Federation.

From Awards to Success

At the end of the research project, the awardees are required to provide short summary of their completed project, which will be published in BHAAAS quarterly web news and at the Forerunner Federation website. The letter should summarize the outcomes of the project, actual use of funds and, if appropriate, express appreciation for the difference made by the award in the recipients life. Photos of results of projects or funded work are optional but appreciated.

*  Srebrenica Genocide Commemoration ceremony with special guests MP Rob Oliphant, MP Brian Masse and MP Borys Wrzesnewskyj
*  Roger Lemoyne photography exhibit at the Gladstone Hotel

*  A silent march, “Never Forget,” through downtown Toronto

For the past 15 years, survivors of the Srebrenica genocide have been seeking justice for the 8,372 men and boys killed by Bosnian Serb forces in what was supposed to be a United Nations protected enclave. Their witness accounts of this systematic, civilian massacre helped prosecutors convict seven men in The Hague earlier this month. Two former security officers received life in prison, and were handed down rare genocide convictions by a three-judge panel in the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia.

Despite the convictions, the Canadian government has not yet passed a resolution to commemorate the Srebrenica genocide as many other countries – including the United States and members of the European Union – have. But the Bosniak (Bosnian Muslim) community in Toronto believes that this violation of human rights needs to be recognized and remembered so as to decrease the chances of a similar war crimes occurring elsewhere in the world.

On July 7, in partnership with the Congress of North American Bosniaks and the Institute for the Research of Genocide-Canada, the Bosniak community in Toronto will begin this year’s Srebrenica Genocide Commemoration ceremony with a photo exhibit from award-winning photojournalist Roger Lemoyne at the Gladstone Hotel. Lemoyne’s gripping photo series, which began in 1995, conveys the sense of loss, an unwavering need for justice and the importance of preserving history.  The exhibit, titled Srebrenica: The Absence, is open from noon to 5 p.m. and runs until July 10.

On Saturday, July 10, hundreds of people will take a stand for human rights by taking part in a silent march downtown Toronto, starting at the Royal Ontario Museum at noon. Participants will display the message “Never forget,” asserting the need to adequately commemorate the loss of lives in Srebrenica.

To cap off the events, special guests Rob Oliphant, Liberal MP for Don Valley West, Borys Wrzesnewskyj, Liberal MP for Etobicoke Centre and Brian Masse, NDP MP for Windsor West will join academics who specialize on genocide studies to conduct a remembrance ceremony at the Bosnian Islamic Centre at 6:45 p.m. in Etobicoke, (122 North Queen St.).

For more information about the events or to arrange an interview, please contact:
Melita Kuburas                                    Emir Ramic
mkuburas@gmail.com                        remir@mountaincable.net
(905) 339-7051                                  (905) 385-3606

Srebrenica Genocide Commemoration Week

Silent March for the Srebrenica Genocide in Toronto, Canada, on 10 July 2010 (15th Anniversary)

We call upon all the MPs of Canada to continue to push for justice for the victims. Preserving the facts and remembrance of the Srebrenica Genocide is the least that we can collectively do to ensure such attrocities do not occur again anywhere in the world. Canadian government has a historic opportunity to recognize genocide for what it is.  Most Bosniak-Canadians are carrying physical and emotional scars from this genocide, and having a Srebrenica Remembrance day will help ease those scars and honor the victims.
 
Mr. Harper’s lack of acknowledgment of the importance of this motion sets a dangerous precedent of silent approval for those who seek to oppress and commit attrocities in the future. If Canada does not recognize the Srebrenica genocide as defined by the United Nations Charter it will continue to raise questions regarding Canada’s commitment and sincerity to promoting human rights and peace in the world. It will also send a clear signal to Canadian Bosniaks that despite their best efforts as citizens, the country they now call home is unwilling to support their loved ones who lost their lives in the worst atrocity in Europe since the Holocaust.

On behalf of CNAB Board of Directors

Hamdija Custovic,
CNAB Spokespeson

WHEREAS, North Carolina his home to more than 10,000 Bosniak Americans including thousands in Charlotte-Mecklenburg, who have successfully integrated into the Charlotte community and are working towards a better future; and

WHEREAS, the Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB) is an umbrella organization representing Bosniaks in the United States and Canada; and

WHEREAS, July 11, 2010 is commemorated as the 15th Anniversary of the Srebrenica Massacre, in which at least 8,372 innocent Bosniak civilians were summarily executed and 30,000 were expelled from their homes in the worst atrocity in Europe since the Holocaust; and

WHEREAS, July 11, 2010 will be known as Srebrenica Remembrance Day; and

WHEREAS, the anniversary raises awareness of the tragic suffering of the Bosnian people and honors and remembers those who died as a result of the policies of ethnic cleansing and aggression; and

WHEREAS, both, the United States Senate and the United States House of Representatives passed resolutions in 2005 acknowledging the genocid ethat the Serbian forces perpetrated in Srebrenica, and all of Bosnia from 1992 to 1995:

NOW, THEREFORE, I, Anthony R. Foxx, Mayor of Charlotte, do hereby proclaim the week of July 11, 2010 as

“BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA TRIBUTE WEEK”

in Charlotte and commend its observance to all citizens.

WITNESS MY HAND and the official Seal of the City of Charlotte

SEAL MAYOR’s Signature

City of Charlotte (NC) Srebrenica Genocide Proclamation

The Bosniak community of Canada, with a population of over 50,000, has been lobbying to have July 11 declared as the Srebrenica Remembrance Day in Canada. On June 9, this campaign, known as Bill M-416, was introduced in Parliament. Prime Minister Harper and the Conservative Party vetoed the bill. Harper will not allow this resolution to pass with the word “genocide” in it. The only way he’d allow it to go through is if the word genocide is removed from the text. Canada’s Bosniak community has responded to Harper’s gesture with a resounding “No”.

On July 11, 1995, Bosnian Serb troops, led by General Ratko Mladic, overran what was supposed to be the UN safe haven of Srebrenica. The Dutch peacekeepers who were protecting Srebrenica were unable to stop Mladic and his troops from overtaking the town and surrounding villages. In the days that followed, Serb troops gathered up the Bosnian Muslim population, separating the men from the women. An estimated 25,000 women and girls were forcibly transported to Bosnian-held territory. An estimated 8000 men and boys, from the youngest to the oldest, were massacred. Their bodies were dumped into mass graves. It’s the largest massacre to have taken place on European soil since the end of World War II.

The average Canadian would have a difficult time understanding what happened in the early 1990′s with the breakup of the former Yugoslavia and the wars that followed. Unless you’re from the region or have connections to it, it’s something you’d be unable to relate to.

Imagine living in the heart of civilized Europe, in a town as pleasant as, say, Hudson. You live side by side with neighbours that have been your friends for as long as you can remember. These people might be of a background that is different from your own, but you’re oblivious to these differences. These things simply don’t matter to you. That’s not what you’re all about.

Then one day, for reasons beyond your control, all of this changes. The neighbourly friendship comes to a stop. You either find yourself in a position where you’re ready to pack up and leave town with your family as quickly as you can, or you’re compelled to stay, and it’s your neighbours who are making a hasty exit with their families and whatever earthly possessions they can possibly bring along. The battle lines are drawn. Yesterday’s world is gone forever.

What follows is a life of unimaginable horror. Leaving your house and attempting to get to Main Road to try to get food and supplies for your family becomes an impossible feat. Mortar shells and sniper fire rain down from the top of Oka mountain. Your town is slowly being destroyed and people are being killed. You live in constant fear of being killed or having your family members get killed or go missing. Your greatest fear is of facing the day when the enemy will overtake your town.

Srebrenica was overtaken. And 8000 of its citizens, including people who went there seeking a safe haven, were killed on the basis of gender and ethnic origin.

As a Croatian Canadian, I followed news of the war with horror and heartache. A day like the fall of Srebrenica stays in your mind forever.

The Hague and the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) have recognized that what happened in Srebrenica was a genocide. The European Union and the United States have passed resolutions using the word “genocide” to describe what happened in Srebrenica. So why is Harper, on the eve of the 15th anniversary of the Srebrenica Massacre, refusing to call what happened there a genocide?

Brian Masse, NDP MP for Windsor West, has taken a strong personal interest in this matter. “This is an embarrassment and shameful. As the only western country to have not passed a motion or resolution recognizing the Srebrenica genocide, the Prime Minister has diminished Canada’s position in the world on the eve of the G-8 and G-20 Summits” reads a quote on Masse’s NDP website.

This isn’t just heated political rhetoric. It is indeed shameful. It dishonours the memory of the massacre victims. It also causes added pain and suffering to survivors of the massacre, some of whom have sought refuge in Canada and have rebuilt their lives here successfully.

The message to Harper is loud and clear: recognize genocide for what it is.

Courtesy The Hudson/St. Lazare Gazette

Honourable Rob Oliphant, Member of the Canadian Parliament and Member of the Liberal Party of Canada on June 10th introduced Bill C – 533, an Act respecting a Srebrenica Remembrance Day

The 3rd Session, 40th Parliament
59 Elizabeth II, 2010
HOUSE OF COMMONS OF CANADA

Bill C-533

An Act respecting a Srebrenica Remembrance Day:

Whereas the Srebrenica Massacre, also known as the Srebrenica Genocide, was the killing in July of 1995 of an estimated 8,000 Bosniak men and boys in the region of Srebrenica in Bosnia and Herzegovina by Bosnian Serb forces;

Whereas the Srebrenica Massacre is the largest mass murder in Europe since World War II and the largest massacre carried out by Serb forces during the Bosnian war;

Whereas the Appeals Chamber of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, located in The Hague, unanimously decided in the case of Prosecutor v. Krstić that the Srebrenica Massacre was genocide;

Whereas the International Court of Justice ruled in February of 2007 that the Srebrenica Massacre was genocide with the specific intent to destroy Bosnian Muslims who were living in the area;

Whereas resolutions condemning the Srebrenica Massacre were adopted by the European Parliament on January 15, 2009, and by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in 2005;

Whereas on March 31, 2010, the Government of Serbia, led by President BorisTadic, issued a full state apology for the Srebrenica Massacre, providing tacit recognition of the genocidal nature of the crime and endorsing the February 2007 ruling of the International Court of Justice;

And whereas the list of people missing or killed in Srebrenica, as compiled by the Federal Commission of Missing Persons of the Government of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, includes 8,373 names to date;

Now, therefore, Her Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate and House of Commons of Canada, enacts as follows:

SHORT TITLE

1.This Act may be cited as the Srebrenica Remembrance Day Act. SREBRENICA REMEMBRANCE DAY

2.Throughout Canada, in each and every year, the eleventh day of July shall be known as “Srebrenica Remembrance Day”.

3.For greater certainty, Srebrenica Remembrance Day is not a legal holiday or a nonjuridical day.

Mr. Robert Oliphant’s comments in the House of Commons:

Moved for leave to introduce Bill C-533, An Act respecting a Srebrenica Remembrance Day.

He said: Mr. Speaker, I am pleased this morning to introduce a bill that seeks to establish a national Srebrenica remembrance day to be held every July 11. I thank my colleague the hon. member for Vancouver East for seconding the bill.

In July 1995, an estimated 8,000 Bosniak men and boys were massacred in the Srebrenica region of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a UN declared safe area by Bosnian Serb forces. This was the largest mass murder in Europe since World War II.

Both the appeals chamber of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Court of Justice ruled that the Srebrenica massacre was genocide.
In addition, resolutions condemning the massacre have been passed by the European Parliament and the American House of Representatives and Senate.

This past March, the president of Serbia issued a full state apology and endorsed the ruling of the International Court of Justice.

Recognizing the devastating effects of the July 1995 Srebrenica genocide, this bill would provide the opportunity for all Canadians to stand with those in the Bosnian Canadian community to share in their pain and honour the memory of those men and boys massacred.

As we approach the 15th anniversary of this massacre, I hope this bill will serve as a step in the right direction which will ultimately provide some semblance of comfort to the survivors of this genocide and to the Bosnian community here in Canada.

May the memory of those lost never be forgotten.

In parliamentary procedure is still Motion M – 416 introduced on August 29, 2009, by Honourable Brian Masse, Member of the Canadian Parliament and Member of the NDP, jointly seconded by: Mr. Siksay Douglas and Ms. Charlton Chris, on October 6, 2009.

Motion M – 416

That, in the opinion of the House, the day of July 11 should be recognized as Srebrenica Remembrance Day in memorial of the Srebrenica Massacre of July of 1995, in which more than 8,000 Bosniak civilians were executed under the policy of ethnic cleansing, declared an act of genocide by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, and 30,000 others were expelled from their homes by Serbian forces.

Difference between Motion and Bill

A motion is a proposal moved by a Member for the House to do something, to order something to be done or to express an opinion with regard to some matter. A motion might be passed in the House of Commons but that doesn`t always mean any type of action has to follow. A bill is stronger. It is a proposed law submitted to Parliament for consideration and approval. It may originate either with the government, with a private Member, or from a committee, and may relate either to public or private interests.

We are proud to have Brian Masse representing the riding of Windsor West as a member of the New Democratic Party. He is trully a remarkable politician and a man of honor and integrity.

Thank you Brian.

Brian Masse (MP) interview / Length 26:32 min
(Guest: the former UN war crimes prosecutor at The Hague, McGill University international law professor Payam Akhavan) / Radio Canada International

CLICK TO LISTEN

Just one hour after the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) gave its verdict in the case of ‘Popovic et al.’, the director of the Bosnian Serb (RS) Center for the Research of War Crimes, Janko Velimirovic, chose to misrepresent the facts laid out in the judgement by informing the Serb public that the Tribunal had reversed its earlier finding that 8,000 Bosniaks had been massacred in the Srebrenica genocide. According to Velimirovic, the Hague Tribunal ruled that “ [Tribunal] dropped the claim of 7,000 to 8,000 Muslim victims.” (1) Velimirovic’s allegations are both incorrect and misleading.

What did the Judgement actually say?

In its summary of the verdict in the case of ‘Popovic et al.’, the Trial Chamber mentioned the figure of 5,336 “identified individuals.” The key word here is “identified”, which refers only to those victims of genocide whose remains have been properly identified by the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP) through forensic DNA analysis at a given time during the judicial proceedings in the ‘Popovic et al’ case.

In his statement, Velimirovic also failed to mention that the Trial Chamber’s judgement also included the following findings:

“In the Prosecution’s submission, the minimum number of persons that went missing or died following the fall of Srebrenica can be estimated to be 7,826 …. The Trial Chamber is satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that at least 5,336 identified individuals were killed in the executions following the fall of Srebrenica. The Trial Chamber also notes that the evidence before it is not all encompassing. Graves continue to be discovered and exhumed to this day, and the number of identified individuals will rise. The Trial Chamber therefore considers that the number could well be as high as 7,826.” (2)(3) [our emphasis]

DNA analysis confirms 8,100 Srebrenica victims

On 26 March 2010, the ICMP stated in its press release that “of the 13,000 persons DNA identified in the context of BiH [Bosnia and Herzegovina], 6,414 were DNA identifications of persons missing from the 1995 fall of Srebrenica.” (4) This data was not available in time to be presented in court in the ‘Popovic et al.’ trial, because the closing arguments in that case were delivered on 15 September 2009.

In May 2010, the expert witness Dusan Janc testified at the ICTY in the trial of Zdravko Tolimir using the most recently updated version of the report compiled by the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP). According to the results of the investigation published in the latest OTP report, valid through the end of April 2010, “the number of identified Srebrenica victims has reached 6,557. There are still about 1,300 names on the list of the International Commission for Missing Persons whose remains have neither been recovered nor identified.” (5)

Furthermore, using advanced forensic DNA analysis, the International Commission for Missing Persons has concluded that “the overall high matching rate between DNA extracted from these bone and blood samples leads ICMP to support an estimate of close to 8,100 individuals missing from the fall of Srebrenica.” (6)

Judgement in ‘Popovic et al.’

Three high-ranking Bosnian Serb military officials were found guilty and convicted for the Srebrenica genocide on 10 June 2010 by the United Nations war crimes tribunal. Four other defendants were convicted of other war crimes.

Vujadin Popovic and Ljubisa Beara were found guilty of genocide, extermination, murder and persecution of Bosniaks and sentenced to life imprisonment. The third Bosnian Serb defendant in this case, Drago Nikolic was found guilty of aiding and abetting genocide, extermination, murder and persecution of Bosniaks and was sentenced to 35 years’ imprisonment.

Ljubomir Borovcanin was convicted of aiding and abetting extermination, murder, persecution and forcible transfer of Bosniaks and, as a superior, of murder as a crime against humanity and as a violation of the laws of customs of war. He was sentenced to 17 years’ imprisonment.

Radivoje Miletic was found guilty of murder, persecution and inhumane acts against Bosniaks. He was sentenced to 19 years’ imprisonment.

Milan Gvero was found guilty of persecution and inhumane acts against Bosniaks. He was sentenced to 5 years’ imprisonment.

Vinko Pandurevic was found guilty of aiding and abetting murder, persecution and inhumane acts against Bosniaks. He was sentenced to 13 years’ imprisonment.

Footnotes:
(1) Radio-Televizija Republike Srpske, “Popovicu i Beari dozivotna kazna zatvora,” 10 June 2010 @ 11:58 AM (approximately 1 hour after the ICTY verdict), http://rtrs.tv/vijesti/vijest.php?id=22629 .
(2) ICTY, “Seven Senior Bosnian Serb Officials Convicted of Srebrenica Crimes “, 10 July 2010, http://www.icty.org/sid/10415 .
(3) ICTY, “Prosecutor v. Popovic et al”, Trial Chamber Judgement, 10 June 2010, paragraph 659 and 664. http://www.icty.org/x/cases/popovic/tjug/en/100610judgement.pdf .
(4) ICMP, “ICMP makes 13,000 DNA-led identifications of missing persons from Bosnia-Herzegovina”, 26 March 2010, http://www.ic-mp.org/press-releases/icmp-makes-13000-dna-led-identifications-of-missing-persons-from-bosnia-herzegovinaicmp-ostvario-13000-dnk-identifikacija-osoba-nestalih-u-bosni-i-hercegovini/ .
(5) SENSE Tribunal, “One Body in Four Graves,” 14 May 2010, http://www.sense-agency.com/en/stream.php?sta=3&pid=15822&kat=3 .
(6) ICMP, “DNA Results of the International Commission on Missing Persons Reveal the Identity of 6,186 Srebrenica Victims”, 9 July 2009, http://www.ic-mp.org/press-releases/dna-results-of-the-international-commission-on-missing-persons-reveal-the-identity-of-6186-srebrenica-victims-dnk-izvjestaji-medunarodne-komisije-za-nestale-osobe-icmp-otkrili-identitete-6186-sreb/ .

In honor of the victims of genocide and aggression, CNAB invites all individuals and organizations of good will, to work in their communities to commemorate the 15th Anniversary of the Srebrenica Genocide which occurred in July of 1995 in the Bosnian town of Srebrenica. The genocide occurred after the fall of Srebrenica on July 11, 1995 to the Bosnian Serb forces led by indicted war criminals Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic.  The Bosnian Serb forces systematically murdered more than 8,000 Bosniak men and boys with the intent of eradicating the Bosniak population from Srebrenica and the surrounding villages.  This event has been classified as genocide by the International Court of Justice in several cases, in accordance to the definition of the crime in Article 2 of the U.N. Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.

We also call upon all Bosniak and pro-Bosnian individuals to petition their local and state governments to adopt resolutions commemorating the victims by declaring July 11 as Srebrenica Remembrance Day and the week of July 11, Bosnia and Herzegovina Tribute Week. Numerous resolutions have already been adopted by the United States Congress in 2005, as well as various States ( Michigan, Illinois, Missouri) and many city and county governments throughout the United States and Canada. Furthermore, the European Parliament adopted such resolution in 2009 commemorating the victims of the genocide.

It is extremely important that we continue to remember the victims and talk abou the horrible events that made this the worst atrocity in Europe since World War II and the Holocaust. By remembering the victims, we will ensure that we honor them by spreading awareness of genocide cases throughout the world so that what happened in Srebrenica will never happen again, anywhere in the world.

We must also remember the entire country of Bosnia and Herzegovina whose vote for freedom and democracy was met by brute force, aggression, and hatred. Bosnia survived the Serbian aggression but its democratic structure remains fragile. It is therefore imperative that we continue to show support for Bosnia so that it will continue strongly on its path to peace, stability, democracy and freedom for all of its citizens.

A sample resolution is available and attached with this invitation. Please share the news and the idea about this Resolution with your friends, work colleagues, and relatives and ask for their participation in commemorating the victims in any way.

On behalf of the CNAB Board of Directors

Hamdija Custovic
CNAB Spokespeson

Dear Mr. Cannon,

We are writing this letter in regards to the Motion M-416, pending before the Canadian Parliament, which encourages the government of Canada to designate July 11 as Srebrenica Remembrance Day and the week of July 11 as Bosnia and Herzegovina Tribute Week.  As you are aware, in less than 40 days, the whole world will mourn the loss of over 8,000 civilians, senselessly killed between July 11 and July 18, 1995, in and around the town of Srebrenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH).

On July 11, 2010, families and friends of those killed will gather together to mourn the loss of loved ones. The representatives of the United States and European governments will be in attendance in Srebrenica on that day.  The U.S. and the EU have both passed the Srebrenica Genocide resolutions and condemned the ethnic cleansing and genocide that took place in BiH during the 1990’s.

The Canadian soldiers served as UN peacekeepers during the conflict in BiH and several soldiers gave their lives during the war in BiH. There is also a strong connection between BiH and Canada today because 50,000 Bosniaks consider Canada their new home.  Canada had generously accepted many concentration camp survivors, war survivors, orphans and widows. By opening its doors, Canada has helped individuals restore their dignity and has given them a second chance at life.

We ask for your support of Motion M-416, originally introduced by Member of Parliament, Mr. Brian Masse. Furthermore, we ask that this Motion is passed in its latest negotiated version and that July 11 is proclaimed Srebrenica Remembrance Day before the 15th anniversary of the genocide in Srebrenica.

It is our sincere hope that Canada will have its government representative in Srebrenica on July 11, 2010.  Most Bosniak-Canadians are carrying physical and emotional scars from this genocide, and having a Srebrenica Remembrance day will help ease those scars and honor the victims.

We thank you for your consideration and look forward to your response.

Sincerely,

Haris Alibasic, MPA
President
Congress of North American Bosniaks

Admir Serifovic, Esq.
President
Bosniak American Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina

Vujadin Popović, the Chief of Security of the Drina Corps of the Bosnian Serb Army (VRS) and Ljubiša Beara, Chief of Security in the VRS Main staff were found guilty of genocide, extermination, murder and persecution and sentenced to life imprisonment. Drago Nikolić, the Chief of Security in the Zvornik Brigade, was found guilty of aiding and abetting genocide, extermination, murder and persecution and sentenced to 35 years’ imprisonment. Ljubomir Borovčanin, Deputy Commander of the Special Police Brigade of the police forces was convicted of aiding and abetting extermination, murder, persecution and forcible transfer (Judge Kwon dissenting) under Article 7(1) of the Statute and, as a superior, of murder as a crime against humanity and as a violation of the laws of customs of war under Article (3). He was sentenced to 17 years’ imprisonment. Radivoje Miletić, the Chief of the Administration for Operations and Training at the VRS Main Staff was found guilty of murder by majority, persecution and inhumane acts (forcible transfer). He was sentenced to 19 years’ imprisonment. Milan Gvero, the Assistant Commander for Moral, Legal and Religious Affairs of the VRS Main Staff, was found guilty of persecution and inhumane acts and acquitted of the two counts of murder and that of deportation. He was sentenced to 5 years’ imprisonment. Vinko Pandurević, Commander of the Zvornik Brigade, was found guilty of aiding and abetting murder (Judge Kwon dissenting), persecution and inhumane acts. He was acquitted of charges of genocide, extermination and deportation. He was sentenced to 13 years’ imprisonment.

Today’s judgement concerns the largest trial to date held before the Tribunal and deals with a wide range of crimes committed by the Bosnian Serb forces against Bosnian Muslims during and following the fall of the former UN protected zones of Srebrenica and Žepa in July 1995.

The Trial Chamber found that a widespread and systematic attack against a civilian population commenced with the issuance of a Supreme Command Directive in March 1995 by former Bosnian Serb President Radovan Karadžić in which he set out the criminal plan for an attack against protected UN safe areas aimed at forcing the Bosnian Muslims of Srebrenica and Žepa to leave the enclaves. It tasked the Drina Corps of the VRS to create “an unbearable situation of total insecurity with no hope of further survival or life for the inhabitants of Srebrenica and Žepa”.

The following crimes were proven to have been committed by the VRS following the fall of the two enclaves in July 1995: genocide; conspiracy to commit genocide; extermination, a crime against humanity; murder, a crime against humanity and a violation of the laws or customs of war; murder, cruel and inhumane treatment, terrorising civilians, and forcible transfer, as acts of persecution, a crime against humanity; and forcible transfer as an inhumane act, a crime against humanity. The Trial Chamber found that the elements of the crime of deportation have not been established.

The Chamber found that two Joint Criminal Enterprises (JCE) existed in Eastern Bosnia in July 1995: the JCE to murder the able-bodied Bosnian Muslim men from Srebrenica and the JCE to forcibly remove the Bosnian Muslim population from Srebrenica and Žepa.

Furthermore, in relation to the crimes committed in Srebrenica, the Chamber found that at least 5,336 identified individuals were killed in the executions following the fall of the enclave. However, the Chamber considers that the number of individuals killed in the executions following the fall of Srebrenica could well be as high as 7,826 given the fact that evidence before it was not encompassing.

“The scale and nature of the murder operation, with the staggering number of killings, the systematic and organised manner in which it was carried out, the targeting and relentless pursuit of the victims, and the plain intention—apparent from the evidence—to eliminate every Bosnian Muslim male who was captured or surrendered proves beyond reasonable doubt that this was genocide,” the Trial Chamber found.

“In the context of the war in the former Yugoslavia, and in the context of human history, these events are arrestive in their scale and brutality.”

Outlining their findings in relation to each of the accused, the Chamber first turned to Vujadin Popović who was found to be one of the major participants in the JCE to murder. He was found to have been present at a number of sites where captured Bosnian Muslims were detained or executed between July 13 and 23.

“Popović was not a marginal participant in the JCE to murder,” the Chamber found. “Popović knew that the intent was not just to kill those who had fallen into the hands of the Bosnian Serb Forces, but to kill as many as possible with the aim of destroying the group. Popović’s ensuing robust participation in all aspects of the plan demonstrates that he not only knew of this intent to destroy, he also shared it.”

Ljubiša Beara was the “driving force behind the murder enterprise”. The Trial Chamber found that he “had the clearest overall picture of the massive scale and scope of the killing operation. From his presence in Bratunac on the night of 13 July, to his personal visits to the various detention and execution sites and the significant logistical challenges he faced throughout, Beara had a very personal view of the staggering number of victims destined for execution.”

Furthermore, his vigorous efforts to organise locations and sites, recruit personnel, secure equipment and oversee executions all evidence his grim determination to kill as many as possible as quickly as possible, the Chamber found.

The Chamber found that Nikolić’s knowledge of the murder operation was of a different nature from that of Beara and Popović. Nikolić was first informed of the murder plan on the evening of 13 July when the operation was well underway and the information he was given was sparse. Thus, Nikolić was aware of the plan to murder on a large scale but not of some of the key features of the operation which would evidence genocidal intent.

However, the Chamber found that, while he had no genocidal intent, he “participated in the JCE to Murder with persecutory intent, that he had with knowledge of the genocidal intent of others and that he made a substantial contribution to genocide.”

With regards to Borovčanin, the Trial Chamber found that the evidence failed to demonstrate that he was aware of the plans to murder and to forcibly remove the civilian population from the area. The evidence was also insufficient to demonstrate that he shared the intent to contribute to the common purpose of the two joint criminal enterprises.

However, in relation to forcible removal, the Trial Chamber found, by majority, Judge Kwon dissenting, that with his presence in Potočari on 12 July and what he witnessed there, he knew that there was a forcible transfer of the civilian population of Srebrenica taking place. “With his knowledge of the intent of others as found by the majority, including discriminatory intent, Borovčanin’s acts in ordering his men to participate constituted a substantial contribution to the crime of forcible transfer,” the Trial Chamber found.

On 13 July 1995, Borovčanin was present at the Kravica warehouse were over 1,000 Bosnian Muslim men were detained. He saw about a busload of dead bodies in front of the warehouse and had sufficient information that his subordinates had committed the crime of murder. Borovčanin however failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures required to punish his subordinates.

After seeing the evidence of executions Borovčanin removed himself and his men from the Kravica warehouse as quickly as he could. The Chamber found that Borovčanin had the means to protect the remaining prisoners and knew that it was probable that the prisoners would be killed. His failure to protect them substantially contributed to the full-scale execution which later took place at Kravica Warehouse.

Having been involved in the drafting of the Supreme Command Directive, Radivoje Miletić had full knowledge from the early stages of “the common criminal plan to force the Bosnian Muslim populations from the Srebrenica and Žepa enclaves and he was instrumental in the plan being captured in writing for dissemination.”

Considering the scale and scope of the military attack on and the operations to forcibly remove the Bosnian Muslims from the enclaves, coordination from the Main Staff level was essential and Miletić was at the centre of this coordination.

The Chamber found, Judge Kwon dissenting, that based on Miletić’s level of involvement and his in-depth knowledge and broad overview of the massive operation in Srebrenica “it was foreseeable to him that murder would be committed in Potočari and that these murders would be committed with the specific intent to discriminate on political, racial or religious grounds.”

As one of the most senior officers of the VRS Main Staff, Milan Gvero played an important role in Srebrenica and Žepa operations. Like Miletić, Gvero was involved in the drafting of the Directive and thus knew of the plan to forcibly remove the populations from the Srebrenica and Žepa enclaves from its very inception.

During the Srebrenica and Žepa operations, Gvero carried out key functions relating to external propaganda and interaction with international organisations, with the aim to support the plan to forcibly transfer the populations from the enclaves by delaying any action by international forces that could frustrate the VRS’ plans.

He made a significant contribution to the JCE to forcibly remove the Muslim population from Srebrenica and shared the common intent.

While Pandurević was not a member of the JCE to forcibly remove, as Commander of the Tactical Group 1, Pandurević contributed to the plan to forcibly transfer the Bosnian Muslims from Srebrenica by taking part in the attack on 6 July, entering the city on 11 July. While Pandurević received information about the detentions, executions and burials in Pilica, Petkovci, Ročević, Orahovac and Branjevo Military Farm, there was no evidence to show that he participated, ordered, authorised or otherwise approved the participation of his subordinates in the murder operation.

However in relation to execution sites in Zvornik area, on 15 July Pandurević had reason to know that his subordinates were providing practical assistance to the execution of the Muslim detainees held there. The evidence before the Trial Chamber shows that Pandurević did not genuinely attempt to take any measures within his powers in order to prevent any further or continued participation of his subordinates in the murder operation.

The Trial Chamber also found that on 16 July Pandurević opened a corridor to allow passage of a column of Bosnian Muslims through Zvornik Brigade territory to the territory held by the 2nd Corps of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina, contrary to the orders he had received from his superiors. Thousands of men passed through this corridor. After the corridor was closed elements of the Zvornik Brigade searching the terrain for the soldiers of the ABiH located 10 wounded Bosnian Muslim men who were transferred from the Zvornik hospital to the clinic of the brigade.

Pandurević requested instructions from the Drina Corps regarding the wounded Bosnian Muslim prisoners in his custody and was informed that Popović would come to take them. On 23 July the wounded men were placed in Popović’s custody and the Trial Chamber found him responsible for their death. While Trial Chamber did not find that Pandurević possessed the intent to murder the ten men, the majority held – Judge Kwon dissenting – that Pandurević knew it was probable they would be murdered once they were transferred into Popović’s custody.

“By failing to intervene, Pandurević failed to discharge his legal duty to protect the wounded prisoners and therefore substantially contributed to the murder of these ten men,” the Chamber found.

This trial has been the largest conducted to date at the ICTY. Trial proceedings in this case commenced on 21 August 2006 and concluded on 15 September 2009. The trial took a total of 425 days during which the Trial Chamber heard or otherwise admitted evidence from 315 witnesses: 182 by the Prosecution; 132 by all the Defence teams and one by the Trial Chamber. There are 5,383 exhibits before the Trial Chamber, amounting to 87,392 page numbers.

The Tribunal has indicted a total of 21 individuals for crimes committed in Srebrenica. Among these are Radislav Krstić who was the first individual to be convicted of aiding and abetting genocide in Srebrenica on 2 August 2001. The Appeals Chamber sentenced him to 35 years’ imprisonment on 19 April 2004. The trials of Radovan Karadžić, Zdravko Tolimir as well as Jovica Stanišić and Franko Simatović are ongoing. To date, Ratko Mladić, the war-time leader of the Bosnian Serb Army also charged with genocide in Srebrenica, remains a fugitive.

Since its establishment, the Tribunal has indicted 161 persons for serious violations of humanitarian law committed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia between 1991 and 2001. Proceedings against 123 have been concluded. Proceedings are currently open for 40 Accused with 25 at trial stage and 11 before the Appeals Chamber.

Vujadin Popović, the Chief of Security of the Drina Corps of the Bosnian Serb Army (VRS) and Ljubiša Beara, Chief of Security in the VRS Main staff were found guilty of genocide, extermination, murder and persecution and sentenced to life imprisonment. Drago Nikolić, the Chief of Security in the Zvornik Brigade, was found guilty of aiding and abetting genocide, extermination, murder and persecution and sentenced to 35 years’ imprisonment. Ljubomir Borovčanin, Deputy Commander of the Special Police Brigade of the police forces was convicted of aiding and abetting extermination, murder, persecution and forcible transfer (Judge Kwon dissenting) under Article 7(1) of the Statute and, as a superior, of murder as a crime against humanity and as a violation of the laws of customs of war under Article (3). He was sentenced to 17 years’ imprisonment. Radivoje Miletić, the Chief of the Administration for Operations and Training at the VRS Main Staff was found guilty of murder by majority, persecution and inhumane acts (forcible transfer). He was sentenced to 19 years’ imprisonment. Milan Gvero, the Assistant Commander for Moral, Legal and Religious Affairs of the VRS Main Staff, was found guilty of persecution and inhumane acts and acquitted of the two counts of murder and that of deportation. He was sentenced to 5 years’ imprisonment. Vinko Pandurević, Commander of the Zvornik Brigade, was found guilty of aiding and abetting murder (Judge Kwon dissenting), persecution and inhumane acts. He was acquitted of charges of genocide, extermination and deportation. He was sentenced to 13 years’ imprisonment.

Today’s judgement concerns the largest trial to date held before the Tribunal and deals with a wide range of crimes committed by the Bosnian Serb forces against Bosnian Muslims during and following the fall of the former UN protected zones of Srebrenica and Žepa in July 1995.

The Trial Chamber found that a widespread and systematic attack against a civilian population commenced with the issuance of a Supreme Command Directive in March 1995 by former Bosnian Serb President Radovan Karadžić in which he set out the criminal plan for an attack against protected UN safe areas aimed at forcing the Bosnian Muslims of Srebrenica and Žepa to leave the enclaves. It tasked the Drina Corps of the VRS to create “an unbearable situation of total insecurity with no hope of further survival or life for the inhabitants of Srebrenica and Žepa”.

The following crimes were proven to have been committed by the VRS following the fall of the two enclaves in July 1995: genocide; conspiracy to commit genocide; extermination, a crime against humanity; murder, a crime against humanity and a violation of the laws or customs of war; murder, cruel and inhumane treatment, terrorising civilians, and forcible transfer, as acts of persecution, a crime against humanity; and forcible transfer as an inhumane act, a crime against humanity. The Trial Chamber found that the elements of the crime of deportation have not been established.

The Chamber found that two Joint Criminal Enterprises (JCE) existed in Eastern Bosnia in July 1995: the JCE to murder the able-bodied Bosnian Muslim men from Srebrenica and the JCE to forcibly remove the Bosnian Muslim population from Srebrenica and Žepa.

Furthermore, in relation to the crimes committed in Srebrenica, the Chamber found that at least 5,336 identified individuals were killed in the executions following the fall of the enclave. However, the Chamber considers that the number of individuals killed in the executions following the fall of Srebrenica could well be as high as 7,826 given the fact that evidence before it was not encompassing.

“The scale and nature of the murder operation, with the staggering number of killings, the systematic and organised manner in which it was carried out, the targeting and relentless pursuit of the victims, and the plain intention—apparent from the evidence—to eliminate every Bosnian Muslim male who was captured or surrendered proves beyond reasonable doubt that this was genocide,” the Trial Chamber found.

“In the context of the war in the former Yugoslavia, and in the context of human history, these events are arrestive in their scale and brutality.”

Outlining their findings in relation to each of the accused, the Chamber first turned to Vujadin Popović who was found to be one of the major participants in the JCE to murder. He was found to have been present at a number of sites where captured Bosnian Muslims were detained or executed between July 13 and 23.

“Popović was not a marginal participant in the JCE to murder,” the Chamber found. “Popović knew that the intent was not just to kill those who had fallen into the hands of the Bosnian Serb Forces, but to kill as many as possible with the aim of destroying the group. Popović’s ensuing robust participation in all aspects of the plan demonstrates that he not only knew of this intent to destroy, he also shared it.”

Ljubiša Beara was the “driving force behind the murder enterprise”. The Trial Chamber found that he “had the clearest overall picture of the massive scale and scope of the killing operation. From his presence in Bratunac on the night of 13 July, to his personal visits to the various detention and execution sites and the significant logistical challenges he faced throughout, Beara had a very personal view of the staggering number of victims destined for execution.”

Furthermore, his vigorous efforts to organise locations and sites, recruit personnel, secure equipment and oversee executions all evidence his grim determination to kill as many as possible as quickly as possible, the Chamber found.

The Chamber found that Nikolić’s knowledge of the murder operation was of a different nature from that of Beara and Popović. Nikolić was first informed of the murder plan on the evening of 13 July when the operation was well underway and the information he was given was sparse. Thus, Nikolić was aware of the plan to murder on a large scale but not of some of the key features of the operation which would evidence genocidal intent.

However, the Chamber found that, while he had no genocidal intent, he “participated in the JCE to Murder with persecutory intent, that he had with knowledge of the genocidal intent of others and that he made a substantial contribution to genocide.”

With regards to Borovčanin, the Trial Chamber found that the evidence failed to demonstrate that he was aware of the plans to murder and to forcibly remove the civilian population from the area. The evidence was also insufficient to demonstrate that he shared the intent to contribute to the common purpose of the two joint criminal enterprises.

However, in relation to forcible removal, the Trial Chamber found, by majority, Judge Kwon dissenting, that with his presence in Potočari on 12 July and what he witnessed there, he knew that there was a forcible transfer of the civilian population of Srebrenica taking place. “With his knowledge of the intent of others as found by the majority, including discriminatory intent, Borovčanin’s acts in ordering his men to participate constituted a substantial contribution to the crime of forcible transfer,” the Trial Chamber found.

On 13 July 1995, Borovčanin was present at the Kravica warehouse were over 1,000 Bosnian Muslim men were detained. He saw about a busload of dead bodies in front of the warehouse and had sufficient information that his subordinates had committed the crime of murder. Borovčanin however failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures required to punish his subordinates.

After seeing the evidence of executions Borovčanin removed himself and his men from the Kravica warehouse as quickly as he could. The Chamber found that Borovčanin had the means to protect the remaining prisoners and knew that it was probable that the prisoners would be killed. His failure to protect them substantially contributed to the full-scale execution which later took place at Kravica Warehouse.

Having been involved in the drafting of the Supreme Command Directive, Radivoje Miletić had full knowledge from the early stages of “the common criminal plan to force the Bosnian Muslim populations from the Srebrenica and Žepa enclaves and he was instrumental in the plan being captured in writing for dissemination.”

Considering the scale and scope of the military attack on and the operations to forcibly remove the Bosnian Muslims from the enclaves, coordination from the Main Staff level was essential and Miletić was at the centre of this coordination.

The Chamber found, Judge Kwon dissenting, that based on Miletić’s level of involvement and his in-depth knowledge and broad overview of the massive operation in Srebrenica “it was foreseeable to him that murder would be committed in Potočari and that these murders would be committed with the specific intent to discriminate on political, racial or religious grounds.”

As one of the most senior officers of the VRS Main Staff, Milan Gvero played an important role in Srebrenica and Žepa operations. Like Miletić, Gvero was involved in the drafting of the Directive and thus knew of the plan to forcibly remove the populations from the Srebrenica and Žepa enclaves from its very inception.

During the Srebrenica and Žepa operations, Gvero carried out key functions relating to external propaganda and interaction with international organisations, with the aim to support the plan to forcibly transfer the populations from the enclaves by delaying any action by international forces that could frustrate the VRS’ plans.

He made a significant contribution to the JCE to forcibly remove the Muslim population from Srebrenica and shared the common intent.

While Pandurević was not a member of the JCE to forcibly remove, as Commander of the Tactical Group 1, Pandurević contributed to the plan to forcibly transfer the Bosnian Muslims from Srebrenica by taking part in the attack on 6 July, entering the city on 11 July. While Pandurević received information about the detentions, executions and burials in Pilica, Petkovci, Ročević, Orahovac and Branjevo Military Farm, there was no evidence to show that he participated, ordered, authorised or otherwise approved the participation of his subordinates in the murder operation.

However in relation to execution sites in Zvornik area, on 15 July Pandurević had reason to know that his subordinates were providing practical assistance to the execution of the Muslim detainees held there. The evidence before the Trial Chamber shows that Pandurević did not genuinely attempt to take any measures within his powers in order to prevent any further or continued participation of his subordinates in the murder operation.

The Trial Chamber also found that on 16 July Pandurević opened a corridor to allow passage of a column of Bosnian Muslims through Zvornik Brigade territory to the territory held by the 2nd Corps of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina, contrary to the orders he had received from his superiors. Thousands of men passed through this corridor. After the corridor was closed elements of the Zvornik Brigade searching the terrain for the soldiers of the ABiH located 10 wounded Bosnian Muslim men who were transferred from the Zvornik hospital to the clinic of the brigade.

Pandurević requested instructions from the Drina Corps regarding the wounded Bosnian Muslim prisoners in his custody and was informed that Popović would come to take them. On 23 July the wounded men were placed in Popović’s custody and the Trial Chamber found him responsible for their death. While Trial Chamber did not find that Pandurević possessed the intent to murder the ten men, the majority held – Judge Kwon dissenting – that Pandurević knew it was probable they would be murdered once they were transferred into Popović’s custody.

“By failing to intervene, Pandurević failed to discharge his legal duty to protect the wounded prisoners and therefore substantially contributed to the murder of these ten men,” the Chamber found.

This trial has been the largest conducted to date at the ICTY. Trial proceedings in this case commenced on 21 August 2006 and concluded on 15 September 2009. The trial took a total of 425 days during which the Trial Chamber heard or otherwise admitted evidence from 315 witnesses: 182 by the Prosecution; 132 by all the Defence teams and one by the Trial Chamber. There are 5,383 exhibits before the Trial Chamber, amounting to 87,392 page numbers.

The Tribunal has indicted a total of 21 individuals for crimes committed in Srebrenica. Among these are Radislav Krstić who was the first individual to be convicted of aiding and abetting genocide in Srebrenica on 2 August 2001. The Appeals Chamber sentenced him to 35 years’ imprisonment on 19 April 2004. The trials of Radovan Karadžić, Zdravko Tolimir as well as Jovica Stanišić and Franko Simatović are ongoing. To date, Ratko Mladić, the war-time leader of the Bosnian Serb Army also charged with genocide in Srebrenica, remains a fugitive.

Since its establishment, the Tribunal has indicted 161 persons for serious violations of humanitarian law committed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia between 1991 and 2001. Proceedings against 123 have been concluded. Proceedings are currently open for 40 Accused with 25 at trial stage and 11 before the Appeals Chamber.